This article was written by Emma Graney and was published in the Globe & Mail on December 24, 2025.
The federal government has taken the next steps to scrap its looming ban on single-use plastic exports, though the Alberta government maintains that Ottawa should get rid of the domestic prohibition, too.
Ottawa published regulations to prohibit the manufacture, import and sale of single-use plastics in 2022, spurring a court challenge to the constitutionality of the rules. The federal government of the day said that items such as grocery bags, cutlery, stir sticks, straws and food takeout containers were environmentally harmful, and rolled out the domestic ban between 2022 and 2024.
The ban on exports was set to come into effect on Dec. 20 this year.
Instead, on Saturday, the federal government launched a 70day consultation period through the Canada Gazette on nixing the ban, saying that tariffs and global supply chain challenges are “creating significant pressure on the domestic economy.”
Environment Minister Julie Dabrusin announced in October that the government would no longer pursue the export ban, citing a review of the global policy landscape, trade conditions and domestic economic challenges.
“Most importantly, the export ban is not expected to lead to a net decrease in plastic waste with few peer countries following suit and many international buyers simply switching away from Canadian suppliers,” Ms. Dabrusin said in a statement at the time.
More than two dozen plastic makers joined forces in 2022 to ask the Federal Court to put an end to Ottawa’s ban on singleuse plastics. The following year, a judge ruled a federal decision to label plastics as toxic to be unreasonable and unconstitutional. (Ottawa appealed the decision, which is still making its way through the courts.)
The Alberta government was also part of the plastics court action. The province’s then-premier Jason Kenney argued that Ottawa had no real evidence that plastics are toxic.
“While the industry is investing massively in becoming more environmentally responsible, Ottawa – for, I think, political reasons – decided to say that plastics have the same risk as toxins like arsenic, which is clearly unscientific,” he told reporters at the time.
Rebecca Schulz, Alberta’s Environment Minister, congratulated Ms. Dabrusin in October when her federal counterpart announced the cancellation of the export ban – but noted her disappointment that the federal government is standing by the domestic prohibition.
Indeed, Ms. Dabrusin insisted in October that the domestic single-use plastics ban is working. “Canadians are seeing fewer plastic bags in trees, less Styrofoam containers on their beach walks and fewer wildlife being tangled in ring carriers,” she said at the time.
Ms. Schulz countered at the time that “silly statements about plastic bags and Styrofoam litter is divorced from reality,” adding there is no legal, policy, economic or scientific justification for the ban.
“The ban is an attack on Canada’s plastics industry – which employs thousands of Canadians and attracts billions in investment – while creating the plastics needed for every modern convenience, from surgical gloves to iPhones,” Ms. Schulz said in a statement.
As Ottawa marches toward nixing the export ban, leaving the domestic policy untouched, Ms. Schulz’s office said Tuesday that her position has not changed.
The Gazette released Saturday said that restricting access to global markets for single-use plastics would displace domestic producers in favour of competitors from other parts of the world. That in turn could drive production, investment and employment opportunities from Canada – but do little to reduce plastic pollution.
Removing the export ban would restore Canadian businesses’ access to international markets for single-use plastics, and “help re-establish economic opportunities curtailed under the prohibition.”
That’s particularly true for the highly trade-exposed plastic product manufacturing sector, which according to Ottawa generated $35-billion and supported roughly 85,000 jobs in 2023.
The sector is deeply integrated within North American supply chains, with roughly 94 per cent of Canada’s $14.9-billion in plastics exports in 2023 destined for the United States.
The export ban would have been particularly tough on small businesses.
An analysis by Dun & Bradstreet in November, cited in the Gazette, found that 82 per cent of the companies that retained the ability to manufacture and had access to the export market were small businesses with fewer than 100 employees or less than $5million in annual gross revenues.
This article was written by Yang Sun and was published in the Globe & Mail on December 24, 2025.
A resident shovels snow after a winter storm in Halifax on Christmas Day in 2024. A Globe analysis found that 38 of the 42 cities with complete temperature data have seen warmer Decembers when comparing recent years to the historical average.
Globe analysis found while most Canadians still get a white Christmas, there has been less snow compared to historical average
Most Canadians still wake up to snow-blanketed streets on Christmas morning. Last year, 76 per cent enjoyed a white Christmas, defined by Environment and Climate Change Canada as at least two centimetres of snow on the ground by 7 a.m. on Dec. 25. But the experience of trudging through knee-deep drifts is becoming less likely as Decembers grow warmer and snowfall declines.
A Globe and Mail analysis of 50 years of weather data from 43 cities and ski destinations shows that while white Christmases remain frequent, snow depth is shrinking. In the past five years, 27 locations have seen thinner snowpacks – accumulated snow – compared with their long-term averages, calculated from 1975 to 2024.
The steepest declines are in places that Canadians often associate with winter wonderlands. Banff and Whistler, two of the country’s most famous ski destinations, have experienced some of the largest Christmas Day snow losses on the ground among all cities studied. That does not mean a snowless Christmas in the mountains. Both destinations still record snow on most Dec. 25s, easily clearing the two-centimetre threshold. But the data show that the snowpack is, on average, noticeably shallower than it was a few decades ago.
A similar pattern appears in several Quebec cities along the northern stretch of the St. Lawrence River, traditionally a cold and snowy corridor. These communities still see white Christmases most years, but the depth of snow on the ground has been trending downward at a relatively faster pace than in most other cities analyzed by The Globe.
The thinning snow is closely tied to rising December temperatures. Studies have linked the reduction in snowpack to humancaused global warming, and showed that even a modest increase in temperature could translate into a major reduction in snowpack. The Globe’s analysis found that 38 of the 42 cities with complete temperature data have experienced warmer Decembers when comparing recent years to the historical average.
Snow accumulated on the ground is primarily influenced by temperature and the amount of snowfall. Precipitation almost always starts as snow high in the clouds. Whether it reaches the ground as snow or rain depends on the temperature of the atmosphere layers it falls through. If the lower layers are warm, the snow melts into rain. If the air stays cold all the way down, it remains snow, said Lawrence Mudryk, a research scientist at Environment and Climate Change Canada.
Dr. Mudryk attributes the shift toward more rain than snow throughout the winter to climate change. “What you might see more of in the future is increased amounts of rain before Christmas, and then that reduces the total amount of accumulation of snow that we see by Christmas.”
Most of Canada’s population lives in the southern part of the country, an area that has traditionally guaranteed snowy winters. That snow line has shifted further north, and many Canadian cities now experience winters with alternating rain and snow.
“Snow and ice are an iconic part of the Canadian landscape. We might have to look to warmer locations and see how they already celebrate holidays,” Dr. Mudryk said. “But it’s more than just the cultural impact. More importantly, there are also environmental and ecosystem impacts as well.”
The country’s three largest metropolitan areas illustrate how those national trends play out locally in very different winter climates.
MONTREAL
In Montreal, Christmas still reliably arrives with snow on the ground, but the blanket is thinning. Average snow depth on Dec. 25 has fallen by nearly 40 per cent in recent years compared with the long-term average since 1975. At the same time, December temperatures have warmed sharply by nearly three degrees, while average daily snowfall has declined.
The result is not fewer white Christmases, but a noticeably lighter snowpack than past generations would not have expected in one of Canada’s coldest major cities.
TORONTO
The long-term and recent average snow depth on Christmas Day remain fairly unchanged in Toronto, but that doesn’t mean uneventful year-to-year change. In fact, the city has swung between deep snowpacks and bare ground on Christmas over the past 50 years.
Toronto’s December temperatures have warmed by 2.1 degrees Celsius to -0.2°C in recent years, hovering right at the freezing point where precipitation can fall as either rain or snow. At these milder temperatures, Toronto’s white Christmas has become increasingly dependent on the timing of winter storms rather than consistent seasonal accumulation.
VANCOUVER
Christmas Day snow records in Vancouver tell a story of how unusual and brutal Arctic chills can dramatically reshape holiday experiences. A city known for its grey, rainy winters has seen snow on the ground only about half the time over the past five decades.
But when Arctic-origin cold air pushes much farther south than normal, the Lower Mainland can experience substantial snowfall – and those rare events have delivered Vancouver’s only true white Christmases. During 2008, Vancouver recorded the seconddeepest Christmas snowpack among 43 cities analyzed, just behind Saguenay, Que.
U.S. firm says Alberta can be leader in carbon capture
Mantel Capture says province has policy support needed to develop tech
This article was written by Lauren Krugel and was published in the Toronto Star on December 23, 2025.
The chief executive of a U.S.based carbon capture startup embarking on a project in Alberta’s oilsands says Canada ticks a lot of the boxes needed to bring the emissionsreducing technology into widespread use.
“Alberta specifically is a really great confluence of all the right factors coming together to give Canada a chance to lead in this ecosystem,” said Cameron Halliday, cofounder of Cambridge, Mass.based Mantel Capture.
“You’ve got the policy support. You’ve got the carrot and the stick.”
Mantel announced last week it has begun an early engineering and design study for a commercialscale project in Alberta’s oilsands. It’s not identifying its partner at this stage, but it’s a producer that uses steamassisted gravity drainage techniques to extract bitumen from deep underground.
The project is designed to capture 60,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide per year. Usually, carbon capture projects consume a lot of energy, but Mantel’s technology aims to harness what powers its system instead of wasting it, as the 150,000 tonnes of highpressure steam it generates can be used in its oilsands partner’s operations.
Mantel is not disclosing the cost of the project at this time. It is receiving support from Alberta Innovates, a provincial Crown corporation.
It builds on a demonstration project at Kruger Inc.’s Wayagamack pulp and paper mill in TroisRivières, Que., that’s designed to capture 2,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide and generate steam for the mill.
Halliday said Mantel’s modular equipment can be bolted on to many different kinds of industrial plants, like cement, steel, chemicals and power generation. He called it a “valueadditive exercise” on top of the benefit of preventing climatewarming emissions from entering the atmosphere.
“We need a way to do this, frankly, that makes money for the people that are putting their neck out and investing in these things,” he said. “The way to do that is to do it efficiently.”
Alberta is a “sophisticated” player in the carbon capture space with the right policy support with both a price on carbon and tax incentives, Halliday said.
Another thing the province has going for it is the people, as skills in the oil and gas industry mirror many of those needed in the carbon capture business.
“They have a good understanding of the subsurface for sequestration. Even the equipment above ground — it’s chemicalprocessing type equipment that these guys just understand. It looks familiar to them.”
Mantel is not involved in the Pathways Alliance, a group of some of Canada’s biggest oilsands companies proposing to build what would be one of the world’s largest carbon capture projects, with an estimated cost of $16.5 billion.
Pathways would capture carbon dioxide emissions from more than 20 oilsands facilities in northern Alberta and transport them 400 kilometres away by pipeline to a terminal in the Cold Lake area in eastern Alberta, where they would be stored in an underground hub.
It was a key feature of a memorandum of understanding signed between the Alberta and federal governments late last month. Pathways and a new West Coast bitumen pipeline going ahead are “mutually dependent,” the agreement says.
This article was written by Devin Stevens and was published in the Globe & Mail on December 23, 2025.
The Nova Scotia government says it’s ready for companies to start exploring for onshore natural gas, with the province saying it may take ownership stakes in drilling projects to potentially give taxpayers a share of the profits.
During a news conference Monday, officials said the government has tapped Dalhousie University to administer a program in which the school’s researchers and the private sector will study the estimated 198 billion cubic metres of onshore natural gas in the province.
The $30-million investment program will see the region’s largest university issue a call for exploration proposals in the first quarter of 2026. Companies, however, will still need regulatory approval from the Department of Energy before any drilling can begin, officials said.
“We’re ranked 59th out of 60 in [gross domestic product] across North America and we want to improve that,” Karen Doane, the province’s executive director of energy resource development, told reporters.
“We want the lives of Nova Scotians to improve. So we’re excited to use our own resources.”
The program will offer financial incentives to companies as they explore natural gas reserves with a commitment to share their findings with researchers. All the data will be part of a public research paper to be published before the end of 2026.
Operators will be able to apply for up to 100-per-cent reimbursement of their exploration expenses. Officials say the government may negotiate so that money becomes an equity investment, or it may sign royalty agreements. Either way, they say any government income will “disproportionately” be reinvested into local communities.
Taking ownership in a resource company is not unheard of in Canada. Ms. Doane pointed to Newfoundland and Labrador’s provincially owned OilCo, which retains percentages of the Hibernia, Hebron and White Rose offshore oil projects, as one such example.
Officials say any wells that don’t produce natural gas could be assessed for other uses such as geothermal energy or research and development on carbon capture and storage.
About 64 per cent of the Nova Scotian onshore reserves outlined in a 2017 government report are made up of shale gas, the kind usually requiring fracking to extract in commercial quantities. About 20 per cent of Nova Scotia’s reserves are coal bed methane with the rest conventional natural gas.
The Progressive Conservative government lifted a decade-long embargo on fracking, also known as hydraulic fracturing, in March but Ms. Doane said that doesn’t mean the companies involved will necessarily use the technique opposed by environmentalists and First Nations.
“So just because you drill an onshore petroleum well, doesn’t necessarily mean you have to use hydraulic fracturing technology. You don’t know that until you actually drill a well,” she said.
In lifting the fracking ban, Premier Tim Houston had said the province needed to exploit its natural gas and other resources to better withstand economic challenges from the United States, including President Donald Trump’s tariffs. Mr. Houston has since named himself Energy Minister but was not at Monday’s announcement.
When the ban was lifted, the Assembly of Nova Scotia Mi’kmaq Chiefs called out the Premier for a lack of consultation and have said they may seek a legal injunction.
As part of the new program, Dalhousie will be tasked with setting up an oversight committee composed of academics, the public, government, the private sector and First Nations. The school’s acting vice-president of research and innovation, Graham Gagnon, said it has yet to reach out to the Mi’kmaq. He noted that the outreach will be handled by John Sylliboy, Dalhousie’s first vice-provost of Indigenous relations, a position created earlier this year.
Nova Scotia has had mixed results on resource development since the government made it a priority after the last election. The private sector has shown some interest in wind and hydrogen development but when the province lifted a ban on uranium mining earlier this year, no companies responded to a call for proposals.
The Sable and Deep Panuke offshore gas projects generated billions of dollars in royalties for the province but were shut down in 2018 after 25 years of exploration and development. There’s been little interest from the private sector in the province’s offshore sector since. The government issued a new call for proposals in the summer, which closes in April.
There’s about 90 billion cubic metres of gas confirmed to exist on the Scotian shelf and a potential for more than 10-times that amount, the province says.
About 64 per cent of the Nova Scotian onshore reserves outlined in a 2017 government report are made up of shale gas, the kind usually requiring fracking to extract in commercial quantities. About 20 per cent of Nova Scotia’s reserves are coal bed methane with the rest conventional natural gas.
This article was written by Matthew Daly and was published in the Globe & Mail on December 23, 2025.
Rotor blades and other parts for the continuing construction of the Revolution Wind offshore wind project are seen staged on the State Pier in New London, Conn., in September. Revolution Wind is among the large-scale offshore wind projects the Trump administration suspended leases for.
The Trump administration on Monday suspended leases for five large-scale offshore wind projects under construction along the East Coast owing to what it said were national-security risks identified by the Pentagon.
The suspension, effective immediately, is the latest step by the administration to hobble offshore wind in its push against renewable energy sources. It comes two weeks after a federal judge struck down U.S. President Donald Trump’s executive order blocking wind energy projects, calling it unlawful.
The administration said the pause will give the Interior Department, which oversees offshore wind, time to work with the Defence Department and other agencies to assess the possible ways to mitigate any security risks posed by the projects. The statement did not detail the national-security risks. It called the move a pause, but did not specify an end date.
“The prime duty of the United States government is to protect the American people,” Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said in a statement. “Today’s action addresses emerging national security risks, including the rapid evolution of the relevant adversary technologies, and the vulnerabilities created by large-scale offshore wind projects with proximity near our east coast population centers.”
Wind proponents slammed the move, saying it was another blow in an continuing attack by the administration against clean energy. The administration’s decision to cite potential nationalsecurity risks could complicate legal challenges to the move, although wind supporters say those arguments are overstated.
The administration said leases are paused for the Vineyard Wind project under construction in Massachusetts, Revolution Wind in Rhode Island and Connecticut, Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind, and two projects in New York State: Sunrise Wind and Empire Wind.
The Interior Department said unclassified reports from the U.S. government have long found that the movement of massive turbine blades and the highly reflective towers create radar interference called “clutter.” The clutter caused by offshore wind projects can obscure legitimate moving targets and generate false targets in the vicinity of wind projects, the Interior Department said.
National-security expert and former commander of the USS Cole Kirk Lippold disputed the administration’s national-security argument. The offshore projects were awarded permits “following years of review by state and federal agencies,” including the Coast Guard, the Naval Undersea Warfare Center, the Air Force and more, he said.
“The record of decisions all show that the Department of Defence was consulted at every stage of the permitting process,” Mr. Lippold said, arguing that the projects would benefit national security because they would diversify the country’s energy supply.
Senator Sheldon Whitehouse (D, Rhode Island) said Revolution Wind was thoroughly vetted and fully permitted by the federal government, “and that review included any potential national security questions.” Mr. Burgum’s action “looks more like the kind of vindictive harassment we have come to expect from the Trump administration than anything legitimate,” he said.
The administration’s action comes two weeks after a federal judge struck down Mr. Trump’s executive order blocking wind energy projects, saying the effort to halt virtually all leasing of wind farms on federal lands and waters was “arbitrary and capricious” and violates U.S. law.
Justice Patti Saris of the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts vacated Mr. Trump’s Jan. 20 executive order blocking wind energy projects and declared it unlawful.
Justice Saris ruled in favor of a coalition of state attorneys-general from 17 states and Washington, led by New York AttorneyGeneral Letitia James, that challenged Mr. Trump’s Day One order that paused leasing and permitting for wind energy projects.
Mr. Trump has been hostile to renewable energy, particularly offshore wind, and prioritizes fossil fuels to produce electricity. Mr. Trump has said wind turbines are ugly, expensive and pose a threat to birds and other wildlife.
Wind supporters called the administration’s actions illegal and said offshore wind provides some of the most affordable, reliable electric power to the grid.
“For nearly a year, the Trump administration has recklessly obstructed the build-out of clean, affordable power for millions of Americans, just as the country’s need for electricity is surging,” Ted Kelly of the Environmental Defense Fund said.
“Now the administration is again illegally blocking clean, affordable energy,” Mr. Kelly said. “We should not be kneecapping America’s largest source of renewable power, especially when we need more cheap, homegrown electricity.”
The administration’s actions are especially egregious because, at the same time, it is propping up aging, expensive coal plants “that barely work and pollute our air,” Mr. Kelly said.
Connecticut Attorney-General William Tong called the lease suspension a “lawless and erratic stop-work order” that revives an earlier, failed attempt to halt construction of Revolution Wind.
“Every day this project is stalled is another day of lost work, another day of unaffordable energy costs and burning fossil fuels when American-made clean energy is within reach,” Mr. Tong said. “We are evaluating all legal options, and this will be stopped just like last time.”
A New Jersey group that opposes offshore wind hailed the administration’s actions.
“Today, the President and his administration put America first,” said Robin Shaffer, president of Protect Our Coast New Jersey, a non-profit advocacy group.
“Placing largely foreign-owned wind turbines along our coastlines was never acceptable,” he said, arguing that Empire Wind, in particular, poses a threat because of its close proximity to major airports, including Newark Liberty, LaGuardia and JFK.
Offshore wind projects also pose a threat to commercial and recreational fishing industries, Mr. Shaffer and other critics say.
Developers of U.S. offshore projects include Denmark-based Orsted, Norway-based Equinor and a subsidiary of Spanish energy giant Iberdrola. Orsted, which owns two of the projects affected, saw stock prices decline by more than 11 per cent Monday.
Richmond-based Dominion Energy, which is developing Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind, said its project is essential for national security and meeting Virginia’s dramatically growing energy needs, driven by dozens of new data centres.
“Stopping CVOW for any length of time will threaten grid reliability … lead to energy inflation and threaten thousands of jobs,” the company said in a statement.
This article was written by Sadeen Mohsen and was published in the Toronto Star on December 22, 2025.
Researchers have discovered old growth forests nestled within Algonquin Park that have been thriving for more than 350 years, sheltering some of the oldest trees in the area.
And by 2031, they could be cut down, according to a new report by the Algonquin Park OldGrowth Forest Project.
The report found a total of five unprotected oldgrowth forests, including a 427yearold forest near Cayuga Lake, through research and volunteer data collection between 2022 and 2025.
But the 354yearold oldgrowth forest, which includes hemlock trees, near Brain Lake is the first allocated for logging, “putting it at imminent risk.”
It’s a significant find, since Algonquin Park has one of the highest concentrations of oldgrowth forests in eastern North America, said Michael Henry, a senior ecologist and lead researcher of the project.
In past years, large areas of oldgrowth trees were found within the park, including a first report on a rare 408yearold hemlock in an unprotected zone open for logging in 2019. The provincial government under Doug Ford said it would be taken into account in the park’s updated management plan.
At Algonquin Park, 65 per cent of the land is designated for “commercial logging,” according to the website of the Wilderness Committee, a nonprofit conservation organization working with Henry.
“What it comes down to is it’s one of the last chunks of pristine forest,” he said. “They’re going to selectively log it and it will never be the same again.”
Oldgrowth forests carry plenty of useful elements and important ecological value, including carbon storage, a unique wildlife habitat, biodiversity and research opportunities.
This is why researchers and advocates are focused on identifying these forests for conservation and research, said Katie Krelove, the Ontario campaigner with the Wilderness Committee.
“You’re somewhere special. You’re somewhere rare,” said Krelove. “When you lose an oldgrowth forest, it’s pretty much lost.
As part of the province’s Forest Management Planning process, oldgrowth was “of special consideration during the planning process” and the plan also considers other “forest values” such as water protection and wildlife habitats, said Tracey Bradley, general manager at the Algonquin Forestry Authority, the Ontario Crown agency managing sustainable forest use at the park.
Wildfires, drought and storms underscore a changing climate
This article was written by Josh McGinnis and was published in the Toronto Star on December 21, 2025.
Environment Canada has released its list of the top 10 weather events that left indelible marks on the country this year, including the massive snowstorm that buried all of southern Ontario in February.
Between Feb. 8 and Feb. 15, about 66 centimetres of snow blanketed Toronto, according to the weather agency, shutting down schools, causing headaches for commuters and sparking numerous complaints about the city’s snowclearing operations.
Additionally, on Nov. 9, snow fell across southern and eastern Ontario, from Ottawa to Hamilton to Toronto, coming weeks before the official start of winter. It was the first time Toronto saw its earliest snowfall greater than five centimetres since 1966.
Second worst wildfire year on record
Topping the list was the number of wildfires that hit major areas nationwide. Manitoba and Saskatchewan accounted for more than half the area that burned in the country, while Ontario, British Columbia and Alberta were all above their 25year averages.
Drought deepens across much of the country
Long stretches of hot dry heat during the summer ravaged agricultural areas across the country. Parts of British Columbia, the Prairies, eastern Ontario and southern Quebec along with the Maritimes provinces received less than half their usual summer rainfall, causing severe drought and leaving farmers scrambling to recoup their losses.
Powerful thunderstorms sweep central and eastern Ontario
On the evening of June 21 and into the early hours of June 22, a largescale thunderstorm system brought torrential rain and damaging winds across Ontario. The storm stole power from tens of thousands of people. Fallen trees and power lines obstructed roads and made travel impossible for many.
May heat wave and dry conditions intensify wildfires in Manitoba
In early May, fires stretched across the provinces, causing heatwaves in the Prairies and into Ontario, and forced thousands to evacuate.
Major ice storm brings Ontario to a standstill
A major ice storm in Ontario and Quebec from March 28 to March 31 brought up to 20 millimetres of ice buildup in northern parts of the provinces. At one point on March 30, 380,000 people were without power in Ontario, causing frigidlylow temperatures in homes. The ice storm also contributed to nearly 100 collisions in eastern Ontario.
Snowstorm blankets central and eastern Canada
A trio of backtoback, “remarkable and disruptive” snowstorms in February buried much of central and eastern Canada. Later, in November, a similar, intense system blanketed parts of the country from Ontario to Labrador in snow so heavy, it caused widespread travel disruptions. In the February storms, Toronto saw its fourthdeepest snowpack on record, at 50 centimetres, as school boards across the GTA announced closures.
Storm havoc sweeps the Prairies
“Aug. 20 will be remembered as one of the more impactful days of severe summer weather across the Prairie provinces in recent years,” Environment Canada said, referring to severe thunderstorms which struck Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba and carved destruction over hundreds of kilometres.
Arctic Ocean storm surge floods Tuktoyaktuk
In late August, in the Northwest Territories, relentless wind had drawn surges of cold ocean water into the coastal community of Tuktoyaktuk. Water levels reached 2.62 metres, a recordhigh for the hamlet, and also caused power outages. “This surge event is another sign of a changing Arctic, where powerful storms and rising seas are creating new challenges for coastal communities like Tuktoyaktuk,” Environment Canada said.
August is hurricane season in Atlantic Canada, and this year, the season passed with most hurricanes staying offshore. Instead, on Nov. 4, a “weather bomb” made landfall in southeastern Newfoundland, producing fierce winds and low pressure levels.
Western Canada bakes in record latesummer heat
A heat wave from late August to early September caused more than 200 daily high temperature records to break across B.C. and the Yukon.
This article was written by the Canadian Press and was published in the Toronto Star on December 21, 2025.
HALIFAX Tens of thousands of people were without power across Atlantic Canada on Saturday after a storm with high winds pummelled the region.
Nova Scotia’s largest utility said in a statement its crews have been working through challenging conditions to restore power as winds reaching up to110 km/h hit much of the province, causing damage Friday evening and into the early hours of Saturday.
Nova Scotia Power said hurricaneforce wind gusts hit 120 km/h in parts of Cape Breton.
Pam ScullyPoirier, the utility’s storm lead, said more than 600 people were working in the field, with hundreds more behind the scenes to restore power. As of 8 a.m. Saturday, about 186,000 customers were in the dark. That number dropped to about 37,000 by 3:30 p.m. and was down to just over 11,000 by Saturday evening.
“We want our customers to know we are doing everything we can to get their power back on. Along with our crews in the field, we’ll also be using a helicopter to patrol power lines in different parts of the province today to look for damage,” ScullyPoirier said in the statement.
In New Brunswick, more than 17,500 NB Power customers were without electricity by Saturday night, down from 54,000 earlier in the day.
In Newfoundland, the major utility reported more than 500 people were still in the dark by late Saturday, down from 5,000.
In Prince Edward Island, Maritime Electric said the number of customers without power dropped from 1,200 to 150 by 3:30 p.m. and was down to seven by 9:30 p.m.
Environment Canada had issued weather warnings in all four provinces on Friday, saying winds up to 100 km/h could hit Newfoundland and New Brunswick’s Fundy shore.
Environment Canada had issued weather warnings in all four provinces on Friday, saying winds up to 100 km/h could hit Newfoundland and New Brunswick
The prime minister’s political journey from climate `visionary’ to pipeline promoter
This article was written by Allan Woods and was published in the Toronto Star on December 21, 2025.
When Mark Carney arrived on the Canadian political stage, Richard Brooks’s colleagues sought out his professional opinion.
Would they be dealing in the Liberal prime minister with a friend of the environment or a foe?
Brooks, the head of climate finance with Canadian advocacy group Stand.Earth, has followed Carney’s meteoric rise over the past decade from staid central bank governor to global climate guru to the Prime Minister’s Office.
“I regret it now,” he recalled in an interview, “but I said at the time, `If there’s one person that an environmentalist or a climate activist would choose to be the head of (government), who understands climate issues … Mark Carney would be at the top of the list.”
Carney had an intimate understanding of how economies work, having served as governor of the Bank of Canada during the 2008 financial crisis, then as governor of the Bank of England during Brexit.
He went on to serve as the United Nations special envoy for climate action and finance, and convinced some of the world’s largest financial companies to endorse a carbonneutral world by 2050 under the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero.
To Brooks’s mind, Carney knew about market forces and was a true believer in the need to move away from fossil fuels and toward lowemission energy sources.
“My opinion was based on his historical record and what he had said previously,” Brooks said. “The truth is that I think his values have always been about being a banker first and foremost, and an investment banker in particular, and those values have been about making money.”
That word— “values” — is an important one, and not just because it was the title of Carney’s 2021 book about “a common crisis in values and (the) radical changes … required to build an economy that works for all.”
Carney has built a reputation over the past decade as the ultimate ethical banker, one able to marry economic and environmental interests in the service of stopping global warming.
In 2015, he was hailed as a visionary when he warned of the looming climate “tragedy” and the urgent need to drive the banking, investment and insurance sectors toward activities that would save the planet rather than ravage it.
In 2025, he squandered some of that good faith in striking a deal that conditionally backs increased oil production, weaker regulations and a controversial pipeline that would take petroleum from the Alberta oilsands to the west coast for Asian markets.
The memorandum of understanding with the Alberta government is premised upon development of the Pathways carbon capture and storage program, which would pipe harmful greenhouse gas emissions underground.
Carney made the announcement in Calgary along with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, declaring, “This is Canada working.”
The agreement maintains the ultimate commitment to making Canada carbon neutral by 2050. But it prompted the resignation from cabinet of Steven Guilbeault, a veteran climate activist. The Montreal MP warned that the deal could increase emissions and was part of a larger dismantling of Canada’s existing climate change plan.
The Prime Minister’s Office did not respond to requests for comment on this article.
Carney said in a yearend interview with RadioCanada that his differences with Guilbeault were not about need to cut emissions, but about how to do so. His approach is based not on regulations and restrictions but on attracting investment in technologies like carbon capture and storage while boosting the use of nuclear power and renewable energy.
“I have dedicated most of my career to environmental issues,” he told RadioCanada. “I know how we can reduce greenhouse gases and what investments will be necessary to reduce greenhouse gases.”
It was a “trust me” response to an issue on which there is little good faith.
Ahead of the Alberta deal, Carney secured the support of Green Party Leader Elizabeth May for his first budget with the the promise that enhanced oil recovery activities — pumping gases underground to retrieve additional oil — would not be eligible for a federal tax credit.
Then he promised Alberta the exact opposite.
“The prime minister’s word doesn’t mean much, even to him,” May told the CBC.
There is a charitable view that sees Carney as adapting to unexpected challenges and realities of Canadian politics.
He leads a minority government in the House of Commons. He leads a fractious federation in which provincial demands and threats are the common currency. He’s trying to steer a national economy through the economic minefield of U.S. President Donald Trump’s trade tariffs.
But Carney himself has been something of a Net Zero zealot, with little sympathy for those making excuses to defer climate action.
In 2022, he said the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which caused energy prices to spike across Europe, was no reason to delay or abandon emissionreduction efforts. Continued global warming would entail “future costs that will dwarf current hardships,” he said.
“We know the climate doesn’t care why emissions happen, only how much occur. The more we emit now, the more radical action will be needed later. We need to speed up, not slow down.”
A year later, in 2023, U.K. prime minister Rishi Sunak said he was putting off emissions reduction measures, including pushing back an electric vehicles mandate by five years, because the impact on the population would be too high in a costofliving crisis.
Carney said the decision was “disappointing and mistaken,” and would muddle the signals to markets and investors who are looking to do business in cleanenergy countries.
Carney’s international climate prominence and credibility came from the lofty pulpit from which he pronounced. Rarely had such a key
We know the climate doesn’t care why emissions happen, only how much occur. The more we emit now, the more radical action will be needed later. We need to speed up, not slow down.
MARK CARNEY IN 2022 AFTER RUSSIA INVADED UKRAINE
player in the riskaverse global economy been so willing to stick their neck out on environmental matters.
What propelled him was the 2015 Paris Accord and the global push to achieve carbon neutrality (dubbed “net zero”) by 2050.
His first real act of climate advocacy was a 2015 speech as governor of the Bank of England, in which he pushed for a public accounting of the climate risks to which financial institutions were exposed so that they could then be factored into business and investing decisions.
It was Carney’s “Field of Dreams” theory: publicly identify lowemission investments and the selfinterested investors would surely come.
It was “groundbreaking stuff,” said Charlie Kronick of Greenpeace U.K., calling Carney a “visionary” compared to his central banker colleagues and predecessors.
As a government appointee, he could only make recommendations, not law. But he did act where he could, introducing in 2019 climate stress tests for regulated British financial institutions.
“Firms that align their business models to the transition to a netzero world will be rewarded handsomely. Those that fail to adapt will cease to exist,” he warned in a speech at the time.
A few months later, Carney was named the UN special envoy for climate action and finance, a sign of his growing influence and appreciation.
The stress testing was an important initiative that was widely copied in other countries, said University of Oxford’s Ben Caldecott, director of the Oxford Sustainable Finance Group.
“That actually did a lot of work in terms of getting big institutions to do things differently and to lay the foundations for an analytics industry, I suppose, in this area that has become very helpful,” Caldecott said.
After his Bank of England term ended, Carney became an adviser to U.K. prime minister Boris Johnson ahead of the 2021 climate change summit in Glasgow. The sentiment at that global meeting was perhaps best summed up by the late Queen Elizabeth II, who was overheard complaining of world leaders, “It’s very irritating when they talk but they don’t do.”
But one source of hope was the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ), a group of financial institutions that had pledged to reach carbon neutrality by 2050. Carney was the alliance’s chair.
He earned a splashy headline at the Glasgow climate conference with a news release stating that “$130 trillion of private capital is committed to transitioning the economy for net zero.”
The initial excitement and adulation turned to egg on Carney’s face when he was forced to admit that the enormous sum he cited was the value of the assets the companies in his coalition controlled, not the amount they were committing to the creation of a cooler planet.
In fact, hundreds of billions of dollars were invested in fossil fuel industries.
“That didn’t come from anyone but him,” said Caldecott, who helped organize the Glasgow summit. “That was his line. That’s what he wanted to communicate, despite advice to the contrary and, you know, that was very misleading and set expectations at an incredibly high level.”
Ultimately, academic analysis of Carney’s push to have financial institutions disclose their climate risks showed that it largely failed to drive investment away from carbonintensive activities.
Brooks recalled a testy conference call at the Glasgow climate summit in which Carney confronted those who were criticizing GFANZ for not having set stricter conditions for membership.
“What I recall from that conversation was this level of arrogance that his way was the right way,” Brooks said.
He said Carney argued the greater the number of financial institutions making the netzero pledge, “the greater the chance that the waters will rise all boats.”
“What we ended up seeing in the end is many of the bigger financial institutions who were heavily investing or financing fossil fuels … were basically pulling the plug out of the bathtub and lowering the water.”
Trump’s reelection as U.S. president prompted American banks to flee the netzero alliance. Canadian banks soon followed. Carney himself resigned his various leadership positions when he entered federal politics in early 2025 with a pledge to scrap prime minister Justin Trudeau’s controversial carbon tax.
In October, the remaining members of the Net Zero Banking Alliance, a GFANZ subsidiary Carney had hailed in 2021 as “the breakthrough in mainstreaming climate finance the world needs,” voted to disband.
Now, the man who warned about the climate tragedy lurking on the horizon, has some contemplating a different sort of tragedy, one of unrealized promise, of a true believer potentially tainted by realpolitik.
How to reconcile the Carney who, in a 2020 speech, pitched the lowcarbon economic transition as “the greatest commercial opportunity of our time” with the one doubling down on the Alberta oilsands, backing pipelines, scrapping clean electricity regulations and promising fossil fuel subsidies?
“It’s hard to know the realities of government and doing those sorts of jobs. I do have sympathy for the need to make compromises sometimes,” said Caldecott. “He’s still early in his premiership. Can he turn things around? I hope he can. We all hope he can.”