Curb appeal

Res­id­ents seek answers after new recyc­ling sys­tem’s bumpy start

This article was written by David Rider and was published in the Toronto Star on January 5, 2026.

A key fig­ure in Ontario’s recyc­ling trans­ition says the new sys­tem has been set up in a need­lessly bur­eau­cratic way.

Allen Lang­don, chief exec­ut­ive of Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als — the pack­aging industry’s non­profit that has taken over recyc­ling from muni­cip­al­it­ies as of Jan. 1 — told the Star that, in the years ahead, the province should move to a model that looks more like Brit­ish Columbia’s highly regarded pro­gram. Oth­ers, mean­while, are point­ing the fin­ger back at Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als itself, say­ing the industry­friendly organ­iz­a­tion has slowed pro­gress and will be the face of a rol­lout they expect to be a “dis­aster.”

Lang­don knows the B.C. model. Years before he was hired by Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als he helped set up North Amer­ica’s first “exten­ded pro­du­cer respons­ib­il­ity” regime in that west­ern province, one that is still con­sidered, more than a dec­ade later, a gold stand­ard for the recyc­ling industry.

It’s too late to stream­line Ontario’s sys­tem as muni­cip­al­it­ies handed off blue­box respons­ib­il­it­ies to Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als, fun­ders of which include Loblaw, Costco, Coca­Cola and Keurig Dr Pep­per Canada, on New Year’s Day — “that ship has sailed,” Lang­don told the Star in an inter­view. But he’s hope­ful that, down the road, this province will adopt policies and prac­tices road­tested in B.C.

“Ontario’s sys­tem has cre­ated com­plex­it­ies and added admin­is­trat­ive bur­den, rather than the flex­ible approach B.C. took of con­tinu­ous improve­ment over a num­ber of years and sev­eral plans,” said Lang­don, who also over­sees Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als oper­a­tions in Alberta, Nova Sco­tia, New Brun­swick and Yukon. From 2013 to 2018, he was man­aging dir­ector for Recycle B.C.

“Sim­pli­fy­ing Ontario’s sys­tem would make it cheaper, more flex­ible and more respons­ive.”

Lang­don said he doesn’t know why the Ford gov­ern­ment craf­ted a made­in­Ontario plan rather than fol­low B.C.’s example, adding, “They could have asked me, or oth­ers. I have no idea why they didn’t.”

A lack of flex­ib­il­ity

Ontario’s reg­u­la­tions are “hard­wired” into legis­la­tion and dif­fi­cult to change, Lang­don said, com­pared with B.C.’s more flex­ible launch that allowed some muni­cip­al­it­ies to stick with their own pro­grams until they felt com­fort­able switch­ing to the industry­run sys­tem.

Ontario cre­ated the Resource

Pro­ductiv­ity and Recov­ery Author­ity (RPRA) to reg­u­late and enforce the province’s “cir­cu­lar eco­nomy” laws, report­ing to the envir­on­ment min­is­ter. B.C. recyclers deal dir­ectly with Envir­on­ment Min­istry offi­cials, devel­op­ing five­year road maps for sys­tem improve­ment agreed upon by the province, industry and muni­cip­al­it­ies. Recyclers risk min­istry fines if they break the rules.

B.C. also has one “pro­du­cer respons­ib­il­ity organ­iz­a­tion” (PRO), a col­lect­ive of industry part­ners, per type of mater­ial col­lec­ted. Ontario has mul­tiple PROs per col­lec­ted mater­ial, some­times mak­ing dif­fer­ent decisions, as seen in Ontario’s troubled tire recyc­ling pro­gram.

He said Ontari­ans should see a mostly seam­less trans­ition with an expan­ded list of recyc­lables includ­ing black plastics, hot drink con­tain­ers, tooth­paste tubes and ice cream tubs. It’s industry that must grapple with extra cost and red tape, he added.

Some envir­on­ment­al­ists, however, are point­ing the fin­ger at Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als and its waste­pro­du­cing mem­bers for Ontario’s trouble­some trans­ition to date and poten­tial prob­lems ahead.

A con­tam­in­ated pro­cess?

The Ford gov­ern­ment announced in 2021 that cor­por­a­tions mak­ing pack­aging waste would, over three years start­ing in 2023, fully assume the oper­a­tions and cost of recyc­ling from the muni­cipal patch­work of sys­tems and ser­vices partly fun­ded by industry.

Ontario’s then­envir­on­ment min­is­ter Jeff Yurek pre­dicted the switch would see more mater­ial recycled rather than go to land­fill. About half of the waste cur­rently col­lec­ted by the city goes to land­fill. Toronto offi­cials at the time fore­cast annual sav­ings of $15 mil­lion for the cash­strapped city, thanks to not hav­ing to col­lect and/or pro­cess blue bin con­tents as well as other recyc­lables, includ­ing haz­ard­ous waste such as paint and bat­ter­ies.

Early on, however, recyc­ling experts called the province’s plan a made­in­Ontario mish­mash so inde­cipher­able they doubted the trans­ition could launch in 2023. The Ford gov­ern­ment tabled reforms but con­tro­versy and policy reversals con­tin­ued.

Last June, the Envir­on­ment Min­istry pro­posed killing its plan to add blue box recyc­ling to apart­ments, con­dos, long­term­care and retire­ment homes that pre­vi­ously had private pickup. It also pro­posed a five­year delay in for­cing waste pro­du­cers to recycle mater­i­als from recept­acles in pub­lic spaces.

The Ford gov­ern­ment said it needed to reduce the bur­den on industry. Muni­cipal offi­cials pre­dicted an ava­lanche of extra waste to land­fill.

Final reg­u­la­tions pub­lished in Septem­ber delay by five years — rather than can­cel — require­ments to expand blue box into multi­res­id­en­tial build­ings not cur­rently in the muni­cipal recyc­ling sys­tem. Also, a much­cri­ti­cized pro­posal to sus­pend some of industry’s recyc­ling tar­gets for five years was reduced to a two­year grace period for waste pro­du­cers to make “best efforts” to hit tar­gets before facing poten­tial fines.

The Ford gov­ern­ment stuck to its plan, however, to relieve pro­du­cers of respons­ib­il­ity for pub­lic­space recyc­ling col­lec­tion and pro­cessing, put­ting the cost on muni­cip­al­it­ies, includ­ing Toronto, which now expects to annu­ally save only $10 mil­lion from the recyc­ling trans­ition.

Ontario reduces its tar­gets

Emily Alfred, a senior cam­paigner at Toronto Envir­on­mental Alli­ance, told the Star that adopt­ing B.C. recyc­ling prac­tices won’t fix an Ontario sys­tem head­ing for major waste woes.

Ontario muni­cip­al­it­ies are push­ing to accel­er­ate and expand the recyc­ling trans­ition, she said in an email, while “Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als, along with pro­du­cers, have done a lot of advocacy to nar­row the scope and slow down Ontario’s reg­u­la­tions, which is the main cause of the prob­lems, along with ongo­ing changes that have made it impossible for muni­cip­al­it­ies to plan.”

Res­id­ents are learn­ing what they can put in their bin and who is pick­ing it up, Alfred said, “but the big­ger issue is that this is part of a sys­tem­atic erosion of recyc­ling and all waste pro­grams in Ontario.

“We’re expect­ing the new blue box sys­tem in Ontario is going to be a dis­aster.”

Alfred poin­ted to the province redu­cing its ini­tial recyc­ling tar­gets and allow­ing pro­du­cers to count the incin­er­a­tion of some mater­i­als toward 15 per cent of recyc­ling tar­gets.

Ash­ley Wal­lis, asso­ciate dir­ector of Envir­on­mental Defence, said there are draw­backs to the B.C. sys­tem com­pared to Ontario’s — if the new sys­tem is allowed to oper­ate prop­erly.

Hav­ing the RPRA as an arm’slength enforce­ment agency is import­ant to ensur­ing impar­ti­al­ity, as opposed to B.C.’s stream­lined sys­tem that makes the envir­on­ment min­is­ter “com­pli­cit in the pro­du­cers’ approach,” she said in an email.

Prep­ping for the switch

Even though they’ve stopped being respons­ible for recyc­ling, local gov­ern­ments expect to get an ear­ful from res­id­ents if things go wrong.

Toronto offi­cials recently urged people to not call 311 if they have a blue bin prob­lem, instead to reach out to Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als, which will have a cus­tomer ser­vice line open only week­days and not all day, with after­hours callers being invited to leave a mes­sage.

One poten­tial point of con­fu­sion is the recyc­ling col­lec­tion sched­ule. Curb­side col­lec­tion days remain the same in Toronto, Wed­nes­day or Thursday, depend­ing on where you live.

However some res­id­ents in the old City of Toronto will see a switch in the altern­at­ing order of recyc­ling and garbage pickup. Affected res­id­ents received notices of the change, which is also on the city’s web­site.

The city says it has been work­ing with Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als since 2023 to make the switch as pain­less as pos­sible, while not­ing “ser­vice gaps,” such as the city hav­ing to pick up recyc­lables from park bins and the delay in ser­vi­cing all multi­res­id­en­tial build­ings.

“The city is work­ing to fill these gaps, where pos­sible, so recyc­ling access and cus­tomer ser­vice remains strong,” said city spokes­per­son Krys­tal Carter.

Aurora was among muni­cip­al­it­ies to com­plain when res­id­ents were told they had to take hulk­ing 95gal­lon recyc­ling bins.

Mayor Tom Mra­kas said they have since been offered 65­gal­lon bins, but those are still dif­fi­cult for some people to handle. Mra­kas also said local gov­ern­ments have had to solve such prob­lems and shoulder the task of keep­ing res­id­ents informed.

“A stronger and earlier com­mu­nic­a­tions effort by Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als would have gone a long way in eas­ing this trans­ition for res­id­ents,” Mra­kas said, adding that the Ford gov­ern­ment has been recept­ive and respons­ive to his feed­back.

Gary Wheeler, a spokes­per­son for Ontario Envir­on­ment Min­is­ter Todd McCarthy, said reg­u­la­tions to guide the trans­ition were intro­duced after “extens­ive con­sulta­tion” with muni­cip­al­it­ies and waste pro­du­cers, not­ing that, for the first time, the same recyc­lables will be col­lec­ted provincewide.

Cir­cu­lar Mater­i­als will work closely with com­munit­ies to ensure a smooth trans­ition, he said, while the RPRA will “closely mon­itor imple­ment­a­tion to ensure that pro­du­cers ful­fil all reg­u­lated require­ments.”

Canada’s biofuel subsidies start as it tries to stay competitive with U.S.

This article was written by Kate Helmore and was published in the Globe & Mail on January 5, 2025.

Canola is harvested on a farm near Clandeboye, Man., in September. The beleaguered Canadian canola industry has faced a 75.8-per-cent duty on canola seed levied in August by China, the largest market for the crop.

Incentives are intended to keep Canada’s clean fuel competitive with U.S. imports

The first part of Ottawa’s strategy to boost biofuels and shore up domestic demand for canola came into force on Jan 1.

The $370-million Biofuel Production Incentive will be given to biofuel producers over the next two years. A fuel producer could receive a maximum of $40.2-million a year.

The subsidies are intended to keep Canada’s clean fuel competitive with U.S. imports, whose producers receive hefty tax credits. Ottawa’s payouts are also intended to shore up demand for the Canadian crops used as feedstock in clean fuel, especially beleaguered canola, which has faced a 75.8-per-cent duty on canola seed levied by Beijing since August. China is the largest market for Canadian canola seed.

The incentives are the first part of a two-stage strategy announced in September. Environment and Climate Change Canada is also reviewing its Clean Fuel Regulations (CFRs), with changes expected to come into force in about two years.

“This represents a significant undertaking by the federal government,” said Fred Ghatala, president of Advanced Biofuels Canada. “It represents a speed of action to put a necessary program in place and longer-term vision to have our sector transition from survival to thrive mode.”

Canada’s CFRs came into force in 2023. As part of the regulations, fuels that measure below the carbon-intensity mandate earn credits, and the lower the intensity, the more credits earned.

At full output, Canada’s biofuels sector would generate more than $18-billion a year in economic activity and support 30,000 jobs, according to Advanced Biofuels Canada.

However, biofuel producers have been in “survival mode” since then U.S. president Joe Biden launched the 45Z Clean Fuel Production Credit in 2022, said Mr. Ghatala. Armed with this incentive, clean fuel imports from the U.S. are outcompeting domestic products in the Canadian market. The 45Z was expanded last July as part of President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill.

“This has been a freight train coming at our sector since,” said Mr. Ghatala.

The new Canadian incentive does not put Canadian producers on equal footing, he added, but it will help maintain some degree of competitiveness until ECCC finalizes changes to the CFRs.

Fuel producers will be paid on a quarterly basis. They will receive 16 cents per litre on the first 170 million litres of eligible production, and then 10 cents a litre on the 130 million litres produced after that.

This is good news for Canadian canola farmers, said Andre Harpe. In 2024, $4.9-billion of canola was sold to China. Beijing’s tariffs in August sank prices for farmers and slashed exports. The biofuel industry cannot absorb the loss of the Chinese market, but the incentive does play an important role in shoring up domestic demand, said Mr. Harpe.

“Any time canola is going to get used domestically it is a good thing. This is a good start.”

However, the incentives are only the first step, said Mr. Harpe. The most important part is the changes to the Clean Fuel Regulations.

In 2024, 73 per cent of CFR credits from low-carbon fuel support were generated by imports in 2024. A significant source of clean fuel feedstock is used cooking oil that is imported from markets in Asia.

To help Canada’s beleaguered canola sector, the CFRs need to prioritize domestic feedstocks, said Mr. Harpe. For example, according to the Canadian Oilseed Processors Association, a policy to curb imports of cooking oil so canola could capture just half of the Canadian market would use 2.5 million tonnes of canola seed, 42 per cent of the total volume exported to China in 2024.

Two main policies are being evaluated by ECCC, according to a discussion paper unveiled in December. One would require fuel producers to use a minimum amount of domestic feedstock. The other approach would place more value on domestic feedstock by giving low-carbon fuels produced using domestic feedstock more credits per litre.

The comment period for CFR amendments closes Jan. 15.

UK National Emergency Briefing Wakes Up World

This article was written by Robert Hunziker and was published in CounterPunch on December 5, 2025.

Image by NOAA.

An impressive display of world class scientists recently (Nov. 27th) held a UK National Emergency Briefing, informing the world of impending climate change disaster scenarios that can no longer be ignored. A war-time footing is necessary. Ten of the UK’s leading experts briefed politicians, business leaders, faith, sport, and the media in a marathon session.

The British are dead serious about the deleterious impact of climate change and intend to alert the public to this existential threat to civilization. Eighty-one (81) Members of Parliament and fifty-two (52) Peers attended the session headed by the UK’s chief scientific advisor, explaining why the UK must take emergency-level action like a war-time scenario. There were 1,200 invite-only attendees at the session. A 45-minutte documentary of the event is in the production stage.

Opening remarks by Professor Mike Berners Lee, Lancaster University, Sustainability Expert, Chair of the session: “For an understanding of the root causes of the most serious crisis that will ever impact our species we need people. We need to trust them because they are telling us the truth…. The information that we’re going to be looking at is extremely serious, urgent, and it affects us all here in the UK. That is why we’re calling this a National Emergency Briefing…. In the words of James Baldwin: ‘Nothing can be changed until it is faced.’ COP30 recently ended without any progress on fossil fuel emissions, in fact, the words ‘fossil fuel’ were stripped from the proceedings. We desperately need to reset the narrative on climate change and wipe out misinformation.”

The original video of the event d/d November 27th runs 3:05. Herein a sampling of excerpts of the first five speakers suffices to emphasize the critical nature of the subject prompting this emergency briefing. These excerpts are a combination of direct quotes as well as summaries of statements.

Excerpts of First Four Speakers:

Chris Packham, UK Naturalist: We are the only known life forms in the universe, and we’ve got nowhere else to go. This little blue planet is where we will either live in harmony with the environment or we will destroy ourselves and much of other life too… Do we want it on our conscience that we waste everything? Why are we unbelievably pulling back from addressing the greatest crises to ever threaten our species, climate breakdown and biodiversity loss… climate denialism is a mainstream thing again thanks to well-oiled machines of the rich, powerful, and influential lobbyists from the fossil fuel and other industries. A dangerous wave of misinformation and lies fills our lives. But worse, it fills the lives of our decision-makers… the people who shape policy. For example, the petro states said “no” and thrashed COP30 because of the crazed consensus requirement that allows oil to say “no” and abort any movement against CO2 emissions. Fossil fuel companies are some of the biggest contributors to our politicians, especially the less scrupulous. And the media is failing to explain to the public “the gravity of our predicament.” We must listen to the science… if politicians ignore science, billions of lives are at risk. Politicians in the audience today must listen to the scientists and act accordingly.

Nathalie Seddon, Professor of Biodiversity, Oxford Martin School: Nature is not simply nice to have. It’s not a luxury. It’s critical national infrastructure. When we destroy and degrade it, we expose this country to escalating risks, e.g. floods, fires, heat waves, insecurity and economic instability. When we protect and restore it, we can build resilience. The living creatures that support our entire life system are breaking down. We are facing a national emergency not only because the climate is changing but because the living systems that regulate that climate, protect homes and feed our people are breaking down here in one of the most nature depleted nations on Earth. The facts are sobering. Only about ½ of UK biodiversity remains. Only 14% of rivers in England are in good ecological health as the result of chemical pollution, sewage discharge and erosion, and agricultural runoff choking the arteries of the landscape. When rivers fail, so does resilience to droughts, etc.. Only 7% of our woodlands are healthy, only 3% of our lands, and 8% of our waters are effectively protected for nature. Over 5 million properties in England are at risk of flooding. Additional national concerns due to degradation, misuse, and abuse of nature are itemized in this speech skillfully transitioning the errors of society and government to the need to follow public opinion, which strongly supports protecting nature and redirecting public funds from inadvertent harmfulness to positive embracing of nature within government policymaking.

Kevin Anderson, Tyndall Centre for Climate Change: Let me start by framing the problem as I see it. And it’s very much that CO2 concentrations in the environment in the atmosphere that are rising at unprecedented rates… across the last 800,000 years, CO2 varied by 100 parts per million but over the past 10,000 years it only varied by 20 parts per million. This gave civilization a very stable climate. Now, in a blink of geologic time we’ve increased, since 1850 from 280 to 424 ppm or +134 ppm in less than 200 years, burying 9,800 years of the perfect climate system, not too hot, not too cold. That is gone. Therefore, we must eliminate, not cut, fossil fuels or temperatures will continue to go up. We are headed for 2C by midcentury and 3C to 4C by 2100. The planet system cannot handle it. We are looking at systemic collapse of economies within a collapsing climate system. 1.5C is no longer a viable target because of failure to cut emissions, which is a very depressing admission. There is new evidence that we are warming up much faster than science expected, which adds to the urgency of taking action now.

The world needs to cut carbon emission by 13% per year to hold temps down to 2C. We need a profound shift in our social norms to accomplish that, and you can forget carbon capture and storage. After 30 years of promises to do the job, according to the CCS Institute, it’s managed to store less than 0.03% of all fossil fuel emissions after 30 years of promises by the ‘delay technology” groupies, like the oil and gas industry. These are false solutions designed to avoid meaningful legislation to cut back emissions. Timely technologies are required, e.g. retrofitting homes, more public transport, EV charging stations, zero carbon electricity.

It is now too late for nonradical solutions. There is no way other than revolutionary rates of change, and the rich, luxury class of living must give up its overallocation of resources. Remarkably, the top 1% of the population of high income/high emissions people give rise to twice the level of emissions as the bottom half of the world’s population. This statistic makes the case for revolutionary change. Put another way, the top 1% generate twice the greenhouse gas emissions as 4,000,000,000 people.

According to an article in Oxfam (not provided by Anderson but this is a fact-check of his !% statement; the Stockholm Environment Institute also participated in Oxfam’s study, and several other independent studies show variations of the Oxfam study; all similar, some showing less some more but all show vast inequity in carbon polluting by class status) Oxfam (est. 1942) Richest 1% Use Their Entire Annual Carbon Limit in Just 10 Days d/d January 10, 2025: “The richest 1% are responsible for more than twice as much carbon pollution than half of humanity, with devastating consequences… To meet the 1.5°C goal, the richest 1% need to cut their emissions by 97% by 2030… Governments need to stop pandering to the richest. Rich polluters must be made to pay for the havoc they’re wreaking on our planet… Tax them, curb their emissions, and ban their excessive indulgences —private jets, superyachts, and the like. Leaders who fail to act are effectively choosing complicity in a crisis that threatens the lives of billions.”

Kevin Anderson (cont.) We need urgent legislation to drive down energy use within that 1% group. And I would argue that the second prerequisite of Paris is that fair and deep reductions in energy use… This will deliver immediate and substantial cuts in emissions; it gives us critical time to put in place zero carbon technologies that are very important, and it releases the labor, the materials, the finance, and even the political capital we need to drive the clean revolution… affordable low carbon homes, high quality public transport, etc., we need to move the resources and labor that furnish the private luxury of a relative few of us like me and many of us here to the public well-being for all.

Tim Lenten, Global Systems Institute, University of Exeter: Tipping Points.

If we carry on with current trajectory to three or maybe four degrees centigrade, then we will definitely be in a national emergency. We’ll likely be at a tipping point with a climate that’ll make this country a very different uninhabitable place. There is plenty of evidence that we are headed toward several tipping points, which interact, causing widespread climate disruption. We’ve already crossed a tipping point with the world’s coral reefs that support the livelihoods of ½ billion people and protects coastlines from rising sea levels and storm surges.

An upcoming example of the most dangerous tipping point is AMOC, the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation, which is already showing signs of slowing. Paleoclimate research shows us that AMOC has turned off and on several times over the last ice age.

If we lose the deep-water formation of AMOC, a state-of-the-art scientific model using 2°C of global warming shows what’ll happen with the decadal winter climate extremes, assuming we cross this tipping point, thereby losing the enduring circulation of tropical warm water to the North Atlantic, heretofore warming Europe.

Here are the theoretical consequences of losing AMOC because of a 2°C warming cycle:

(1) Remarkable comeback of Arctic sea ice reaches down to covering most of the North Sea by February each winter

(2) In London it is minus 20°C (-4°F) with three frozen months of the year

(3) Edinburgh minus 30°C (-22°F) with five and a half frozen months per year

(4) But the summers will still be hotter than today because of a 2°C warmer world, well beyond today’s 1.4-1.5C.

(5) The UK will be nearly 100% dependent upon import of food crops and suffer a shortage of potable water.

(6) On a global scale, regions where staple crops are grown will be reduced by 50%.

In closing, a radical acceleration of action towards zero emissions is required. And the only way to convince ourselves that that’s credible is to show positive tipping points achieved via transition from fossil fuels to renewables that can become self-accelerating, and we’ve successfully done that in the UK but only in the power sector. At the peak in 2012, 40% of UK electricity came from black coal. Today it is zero from coal. This was accomplished by a climate change act with cross-party consensus to gradually put a floor price on carbon levied just on the power sector, stepped up over time, enough to incentivize switching to renewables, which, with ever-larger economies of scale, serve as a tipping point to lesser costs and enhanced proficiency. Importantly, in the final analysis, mandates on a global scale are needed to take out fossil fuels, transitioning as soon as possible out of fossil fuels.

The full 3:05 session UK National Emergency Briefing is on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/live/2-PFKT1SNc4

Robert Hunziker lives in Los Angeles and can be reached at rlhunziker@gmail.com.

Environment, economic prosperity can coexist

This opinion was written by Tim Gray and was published in the Globe & Mail on January 2, 2025.

It will require bold leadership to get to a better future

As we move into 2026, the landscape of environmental advocacy in Canada has changed dramatically. Canada’s closest neighbour and biggest trading partner is driving massive political and economic restructuring, which has created unease among Canadians at a collective and personal level.

These new threats have also forced public attention away from clean energy, climate change, chemical and plastic pollution and urban sprawl. Unfortunately, many polluting industries have seized this moment to maximize their profits, lobbying decision-makers to roll back progress and carry out attacks on long standing environmental protection rules and legislation.

These industries argue that it’s for the greater economic good. But is it? Evidence from history shows that societies succeed in the long term when they integrate protection of the environment into economic and social development strategies. In fact, for the first time in human history, scientifically conclusive evidence is telling us that economic progress must be grounded in what is best for the environment.

As we move into 2026, my prediction (and my hope) is that Canada will take the opportunity to get some key things right to chart a course toward a better future.

The federal government has been hyper focused on nation building projects. In 2026, watch for these projects to start aligning with clean energy, climate action and protection of nature. Prioritizing projects like highspeed rail, offshore wind farms, clean steel and better public transit will keep us in our nation building era without leaving the environment behind.

The fossil fuel industry has worked hard to block renewable energy projects. Fortunately, the price of solar, wind and battery storage systems has dropped so dramatically that it will become increasingly difficult to convince citizens to stick with expensive and polluting gas and oil. In 2026, expect to see a continuing shift from gas furnaces to heat pumps and from gas plants to renewable energy production projects.

As we change the way our homes are powered, big changes will also come to the rules that guide how those homes are built. In place of regulations that have prevented midrise buildings, we can anticipate that cities and towns will recognize that the housing crisis will be partly solved by encouraging more of this type of building. This will allow us to densify existing neighbourhoods.

Making our neighbourhoods denser and more walkable will hopefully mean fewer private cars on the road. But when we do need to drive, those cars should be electric. This year, we’ll be moving toward more affordable EVs and hope for a major government push on charging infrastructure. There is no future for Canadian automakers and the jobs they provide if Canada sits out the move to EVs. In 2026, EVs will be back in style as both consumers and governments recognize that they are less polluting and better value.

Speaking of value, 2026 is the year we think we’ll finally see the Ontario government put a price on non-alcoholic drink containers through an expanded deposit-return program. This will greatly increase recovery and recycling rates. It’s not hard to do, and eight of the other 10 Canadian provinces already have successful programs in place.

It will also be the year that the jig is up on the long-hidden truth about the risks of polyfluoroalkyl chemicals (PFAS), also known as “forever chemicals.” These include developmental effects, cancers and disruption of hormone regulation. These chemicals are found in a plethora of everyday products, including non-stick coatings, menstrual products and furniture. Fortunately, after long delays, we can watch for federal bans on at least some of the most egregious PFAS uses this year. We must continue to push for action on all of them.

Finally, the cynical Alberta-federal government MOU that undercuts Canadian climate action will run up against rocks of its own making. Oil demand is expected to peak by the end of this decade, meaning the massive increases in oil sands production and a risky bitumen pipeline to the British Columbia northwest coast make no economic sense. These projects will never move forward. We’ll be reading the MOU’s epitaph well before the year’s end.

The predictions I’ve laid out here can become a reality, but it will require bold action from our leaders. This year, let’s hold them accountable and ensure that Canada moves in the right direction. Here’s to a 2026 where clean water, a safe climate and healthy communities ground all our efforts to create economic and social prosperity.

Crit­ics decry PCs’ devel­op­ment plan

Province to cre­ate `spe­cial eco­nomic zones’ to off­set effects of U.S. tar­iffs

Premier Doug Ford, left, and Economic Development Minister Vic Fedeli are fasttracking development in Ontario with new regulations that allow the province to bypass local and provincial rules for “trusted proponents and projects.”

This article was written by Rob Ferguson and was published in the Toronto Star on January 1, 2026.

Ontario is pav­ing the way for Premier Doug Ford’s con­tro­ver­sial “spe­cial eco­nomic zones” in 2026 amid other changes that include mak­ing life tougher for impaired drivers and easier for skilled work­ers mov­ing here.

Step­ping up the push to fast­track devel­op­ment to off­set eco­nomic dam­age from U.S. Pres­id­ent Don­ald Trump’s tar­iffs, new reg­u­la­tions tak­ing effect Thursday let the province bypass local and pro­vin­cial rules for “trus­ted pro­ponents and projects.”

But crit­ics are wor­ried pro­tec­tions for the envir­on­ment, work­ers, wild­life, endangered spe­cies, Indi­gen­ous com­munit­ies and their treat­ies will be watered down in what they dub “no law” zones.

Ford, who is keen to develop the vast Ring of Fire’s crit­ical min­eral depos­its in north­west­ern Ontario for elec­tric vehicles, defence projects and other indus­tries, argued too much red tape would hold projects back at a crit­ical time.

“We need to get mov­ing, folks,” he told report­ers when Bill 5, legis­la­tion estab­lish­ing the zones, passed in June.

“We aren’t going to sit back and wait 15 years to get shovels in the ground while the whole world is eat­ing our lunch,” he added, not­ing that’s how long it can take to open a mine in Ontario.

Eco­nomic Devel­op­ment Min­is­ter Vic Fed­eli sig­nalled two weeks ago that the province is work­ing with “inter­ested part­ners” to des­ig­nate the first sites.

“Spe­cial eco­nomic zones will bol­ster Ontario’s advant­age by cut­ting red tape, accel­er­at­ing approvals and pro­tect­ing the jobs and indus­tries that keep our province resi­li­ent and com­pet­it­ive,” he said.

The zones will be a “crit­ical tool to accel­er­ate major nation­build­ing projects and secure job­cre­at­ing invest­ments that deliver last­ing prosper­ity for our work­ers,” Fed­eli said.

He pledged to main­tain the province’s stand­ards for envir­on­mental pro­tec­tions and to con­sult with rel­ev­ant parties — includ­ing Indi­gen­ous com­munit­ies, some of which were vig­or­ously opposed to Bill 5.

Oppos­i­tion parties aren’t buy­ing Fed­eli’s assur­ances about the zones, which can be des­ig­nated any­where in the province, such as on prime farm­land.

“You can­not trust this gov­ern­ment to give them­selves unlim­ited powers,” said New Demo­crat Leader Marit Stiles, cit­ing the Pro­gress­ive Con­ser­vat­ive gov­ern­ment’s $8.28­bil­lion Green­belt land swap scan­dal now under crim­inal invest­ig­a­tion by the RCMP.

Green Leader Mike Schreiner issued his own warn­ing given that Ford is under fire for his $2.5­bil­lion Skills Devel­op­ment Fund that gave hefty pay­outs to hun­dreds of groups with low­ranked applic­a­tions — with Labour Min­is­ter David Pic­cini now under invest­ig­a­tion by Ontario’s integ­rity com­mis­sioner over it.

“Spe­cial eco­nomic zones will open the door to back­room deals and insider giveaways, while Indi­gen­ous rights, envir­on­mental pro­tec­tions, worker rights and local demo­cracy suf­fer,” Schreiner said.

Under the reg­u­la­tions filed Dec. 16, Fed­eli must be con­vinced projects are “eco­nom­ic­ally sig­ni­fic­ant or stra­tegic­ally import­ant” and that pro­ponents have “a good record of com­ply­ing with legal require­ments” such as health and safety for work­ers, the envir­on­ment and fin­an­cial stand­ards. (The same goes for any sub­con­tract­ors a cor­por­a­tion or other pro­ponent hires to work on a project.) In addi­tion, Fed­eli must be con­vinced pro­ponents “do not pose a secur­ity risk” and he must con­sent to any change in the con­trol of a com­pany build­ing a project.

Also in regard to Ontario’s eco­nomy, the province is now allow­ing cer­ti­fied pro­fes­sion­als — includ­ing health­care work­ers, archi­tects, engin­eers, land sur­vey­ors and elec­tri­cians — from other Cana­dian jur­is­dic­tions to start jobs in Ontario shortly after arriv­ing.

They can work on a pro­vi­sional basis until their cer­ti­fic­a­tions are form­ally recog­nized by the rel­ev­ant Ontario reg­u­lat­ory author­it­ies. The change is inten­ded to help employ­ers in Ontario get the skilled work­ers they need.

Mean­while, Ontario is also tak­ing aim at drivers who get behind the wheel when they shouldn’t. Amend­ments to the High­way Traffic Act now impose life­time sus­pen­sions for any­one con­victed of impaired driv­ing caus­ing death.

Other meas­ures include man­dat­ory remedial edu­ca­tion for drivers after first­time alco­hol and drug occur­rences, longer road­side sus­pen­sions for driv­ing under the influ­ence, auto­matic man­dat­ory min­imum licence sus­pen­sions upon con­vic­tion for stunt driv­ing and life­time licence sus­pen­sions upon a third con­vic­tion for vehicle theft.

Addi­tion­ally crack­ing down on auto theft, a new offence under the High­way Traffic Act provides for fines up to $100,000 and six months in jail for know­ingly provid­ing a false vehicle iden­ti­fic­a­tion num­ber when selling an auto­mobile. That’s in addi­tion to a licence sus­pen­sion of up to a year. (Fur­ther changes pro­posed in Novem­ber under “Andrew’s Law,” but not yet passed by the legis­lature, would impose a life­time driv­ing ban for any­one con­victed of dan­ger­ous driv­ing caus­ing death.)

Also tak­ing effect in 2026:

■ For homeown­ers, the Muni­cipal Prop­erty Assess­ment Cor­por­a­tion will now be able to send assess­ment notices by email.

■ Updates to the Ontario Fire Code require homeown­ers and land­lords to install work­ing car­bon monox­ide detect­ors on every floor of a res­id­ence. Some detect­ors mon­itor for both smoke and car­bon monox­ide.

■ Par­ents receiv­ing Cana­dian Dis­ab­il­ity Bene­fits will no long have those pay­ments con­sidered as income when determ­in­ing eli­gib­il­ity for child­care­fee sub­sidies.

Spe­cial eco­nomic zones will open the door to back­room deals and insider giveaways, while Indi­gen­ous rights, envir­on­mental pro­tec­tions, worker rights and local demo­cracy suf­fer. MIKE SCHREINER ONTARIO GREEN PARTY LEADER

How cheap solar power is transforming economies across Africa

This article was written by Somini Sengupta and was published in the Globe & Mail on January 1, 2026.

Solar panels are seen in Cape Town, South Africa, in December. Chinese solar panels are finding enormous markets in Africa, where around 600 million people lack reliable electricity.

Businesses, individuals flock to technology, forcing South African power utility to rethink licensing requirements

Ismet Booley, a dentist in Cape Town, had a serious problem a few years ago. Patients showed up for appointments, only to find the power had gone out.

No power meant no X-rays, no fillings, no root canals. “I just couldn’t work,” Dr. Booley said.

South Africans like Dr. Booley have found a remedy for power cuts that have plagued people in the developing world for years. Thanks to swiftly falling prices of Chinese-made solar panels and batteries, they now draw their power from the sun.

These aren’t the tiny, oldschool solar lanterns that once powered a light bulb or TV in rural communities. Today, solar and battery systems are deployed across a variety of businesses – auto factories and wineries, gold mines and shopping malls. And they are changing everyday life, trade and industry in Africa’s biggest economy.

This has happened at startling speed. Solar has risen from almost nothing in 2019 to roughly 10 per cent of South Africa’s electricity-generating capacity.

No longer do South Africans depend entirely on giant coalburning plants that have defined how people worldwide got their electricity for more than a century. That’s forcing the nation’s already beleaguered electric utility to rethink its business as revenues evaporate.

Joel Nana, a project manager with Sustainable Energy Africa, a Cape Town-based organization, called it “a bottom-up movement” to sidestep a generationsold problem. “The broken system is unreliable electricity, expensive electricity or no electricity at all,” he said. “We’ve been living in this situation forever.”

What’s happening in South Africa is repeating across the continent. Key to this shift: China’s ambition to lead the world in clean energy.

Over the past decade, while the United States ramped up fossil fuel exports, China has focused on dominating renewables. Today, Chinese companies make so many of the world’s solar panels, electric vehicles and batteries that they are slashing prices and scrambling to find buyers.

Tariffs have thwarted them somewhat in the United States and Europe, but they’re finding enormous new markets in Africa, where around 600 million people lack reliable electricity. Across the continent, solar imports from China rose 50 per cent the first 10 months of 2025, continuing a trend, according to a review of Chinese export data by Ember, a British energy-tracking group.

South Africa was the largest destination for Chinese solar, but not the only one. Sierra Leone imported the equivalent of more than half its total current electricity-generating capacity, and Chad, nearly half.

China has much to gain. Not least, new markets and new geopolitical influence. Its companies are doing more than just exporting. State-owned Power China is also building utility-scale solar farms in South Africa, as in other developing economies.

And now China is bidding on contracts from the state-owned utility, Eskom, to add 14,000 kilometres (about 8,700 miles) of transmission lines that South Africa desperately needs to move its increasing supply of solar power around the country.

“Obviously we don’t have money for that,” South Africa’s deputy minister for electricity and energy, Samantha GrahamMaré, said in an interview, referring to the hefty upfront costs of expanding the grid.

Who does? China. Chinese state-owned companies are among several international firms to bid on South Africa’s US$25-billion grid expansion, vying to build the lines and then make money, in part, by operating them. Chinese firms hold similar build-operate contracts in countries including Brazil and the Philippines.

The solar surge does little to address the most pressing social and economic problems of developing countries like South Africa, the need to generate new jobs for millions of young citizens. Installation labour is local, but the panels and batteries are almost all made in China.

“The economic trade-offs are significant,” said Marvellous Ngundu, a researcher with the Institute of Security Studies, a think tank in Pretoria. “Jobs are created elsewhere. South Africa consumes advanced green technologies without capturing the industrial benefits.”

The rapid shift by so many businesses and people to install their own panels and batteries is causing headaches for Eskom, the already troubled utility.

Every kilowatt generated by privately owned solar installations is a hit to its bottom line. Eskom’s coal-burning plants, which provide most of South Africa’s power, are old and in poor shape.

Power cuts have subsided recently, but it wasn’t long ago that Eskom had to turn off electricity to some areas for hours at a time – a practice called “load shedding” that hurt the economy and fed public anger. During the worst days of load shedding, the latest of which came in early 2024, even Ms. Graham-Maré, the deputy electricity minister, installed a solar system in her home. Her energy bill, she said, fell by two-thirds.

Multiply her hack by the thousands and you have what South Africans call Eskom’s “death spiral.” Well-off customers lower their bills with solar, which causes Eskom to lose money, which in turn forces Eskom to raise prices and encourages more people to install solar.

It doesn’t help that some people tap power lines to draw electricity illegally, without paying for it, or that Eskom has suffered years of mismanagement.

In the past five years alone, South Africans installed solar panels representing more than seven gigawatts, or about onetenth of the total installed capacity of 55 gigawatts. Most is privately owned.

Now, unable to beat solar, Eskom is joining solar.

The utility has removed onerous licensing requirements on private installations. It has allowed people to sell power to the grid. And it has tweaked its rates so that customers pay a fixed charge in addition to the cost of any power they consume. Essentially, people pay simply to be connected to the grid, a standard feature in other nations that’s new in South Africa.

Eskom is now planning to erect large solar arrays on the grounds of shuttered coal plants. And by 2040 it intends to shift its predominantly coal-based system to cleaner sources. “That’s where the world is moving,” said Nontokozo Hadebe, Eskom’s sustainability chief.

If the speed of the change is remarkable, it’s still leaving some of South Africa’s most difficult economic problems unresolved, or is making them worse.

The problem, experts said, is that South Africa lacks policies to require local manufacturing. But creating them would drive up costs. The prices of made-in-China panels are by far the lowest in the world.

South Africa’s rapid pivot to Chinese solar gear, as affordable as it is, also doesn’t resolve a basic problem. The country’s poorest citizens still can’t afford to put up their own panels.

They lack the money to buy the gear outright and the ability to get loans.

In Langa township, one of Cape Town’s largest low-income suburbs, one of the rare businesses with solar is Colin Mkosi’s bicycle delivery service, Cloudy Deliveries. His single panel, donated by a charity, powers a few lights and computers. It doesn’t provide nearly enough to charge the electric bikes his business relies on.

The e-bikes are, of course, from China. But his power still comes from South Africa’s unreliable grid. “It’s expensive,” he said, and “we can’t operate without electricity.”

Mr. Mkosi’s wants are part of a broader problem. South Africa buys growing volumes of highvalue technologies from China, while selling it raw materials of limited value. China overtook the U.S. as its biggest trading partner in 2008. With its trade gap rising to more than US$9-billion in 2023, compared with barely US$1-billion in 2000, there are increasing calls to make trade relations with China less unequal.

The difference between South Africa’s trade ties with China and with the U.S. is stark.

U.S. President Donald Trump has imposed a 30-per-cent tariff on South African goods and excluded the government from participating in an international summit of the world’s 20 biggest economies. He has also reversed a Biden administration plan to help the country accelerate its planned closures of its oldest, dirtiest coal plants.

“As relations with the United States have become increasingly strained, Beijing has positioned itself as a reliable and sympathetic partner,” Mr. Ngundu said.

Changes to anti-greenwashing law will increase risk for companies

This opinion was written by Conor Chell and was published in the Globe & Mail on January 1, 2025.

The proposed new amendments to the anti-greenwashing provisions in the federal Competition Act were intended to give businesses some breathing room. But if passed as currently drafted, they may do the opposite and constrain them by creating more legal risk, more uncertainty and a wider gap between what companies say and what they can actually prove.

For the past year, Canada has been home to some of the most stringent and widely discussed anti-greenwashing rules in the world. The original amendments under Bill C-59 required companies making environmental or climaterelated claims about their business to substantiate them using “an internationally recognized methodology.” That language, although imperfect, at least pointed organizations toward established frameworks – the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), the Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Protocol, science-based target methodologies, and third-party assurance practices.

The government has now proposed removing the “internationally recognized methodology” requirement altogether and that change is expected to pass into law in early 2026. In its place, organizations will fall back on the general due-diligence standard that already exists in competition law: claims must be adequately and properly substantiated. On paper, that may sound flexible. In practice, it will be a problem.

Most organizations are not currently set up to substantiate their sustainability and climate-related representations to the level that Canadian courts and regulators have historically required when assessing “adequate and proper” testing.

That threshold – shaped by decades of misleading advertising cases – is surprisingly high. It often requires objective, measurable evidence that is replicable, independently verifiable and directly linked to the claim being made. Many companies making forward-looking climate statements, high-level environmental, social and governance (ESG) claims, or qualitative sustainability assertions simply do not have that level of evidentiary rigour in place.

This wide disconnect exists despite the public believing that businesses are now under stricter scrutiny. The antigreenwashing debate has been frontpage news for months.

The very idea that companies must be prepared to defend their climate and environmental claims has woven itself into Canada’s collective conscience. But removing the methodological requirement will not lower public expectations – it will raise questions about what substantiation means, and whether companies can credibly meet it.

The problem is even more acute when you look at how organizations assess their own readiness. According to KPMG’s most recent Global CEO Outlook, more than 60 per cent of the 1,350 CEOs polled believe they are on track to meet their net-zero ambitions and the sustainability claims underpinning them, yet fewer than 30 per cent have allocated the capital and resources needed to achieve those goals. This creates what I call a “substantiation gap”: companies feel confident enough to make sweeping climate and sustainability claims, but have not invested enough to credibly meet them.

This gap is already visible in practice. In reviewing Canadian companies’ sustainability disclosures, we continue to find numerous misrepresentations. These issues ranged from minor overstatements to material omissions, but the volume alone demonstrates how far many companies still are from the level of evidence regulators and the courts expect.

Some argue that risk will decrease because the government also removed the new private right of access to the Competition Tribunal, which would have allowed private parties to bring greenwashing complaints. But this change is unlikely to meaningfully reduce exposure. In the months since Bill C-59 passed, no private complaints were filed – likely due to the cost, complexity and the inability for complainants to seek monetary damages. Meanwhile, greenwashing allegations have simply migrated elsewhere.

We have already seen:

■ a complaint to the Alberta Securities Commission alleging misleading climate representations,

■ an enforcement proceeding initiated by the Ontario Securities Commission involving similar issues and

■ a civil lawsuit alleging mismanagement of climate-related risks.

In other words, even without a private right of action under the Competition Act, plaintiffs, investors, activists and regulators have found – and will continue to find – other avenues to advance greenwashing claims.

Taken together, these factors point in one direction: legal risk will increase, not decrease, if the proposed amendments are enacted.

Companies will face higher expectations from the public, stricter scrutiny from regulators, more complex evidentiary standards and a growing substantiation gap between what they say and what they can prove.

The solution is not to avoid sustainability disclosures or retreat from climate commitments. It is to professionalize them. Canadian organizations would be well-served to undertake a formal, comprehensive legal risk assessment of their sustainability disclosures and to understand, in concrete terms, what is actually required to substantiate the claims they make.

Clear, credible sustainability communication is not a regulatory burden – it is a competitive advantage. But only if it can withstand scrutiny.

2025 was one of three hot­test years on record

Study also finds heat waves have become the dead­li­est extreme weather events

Exhaust gases billowing from the chimneys of a large coalfired power station in Taean, South Korea. November's UN climate talks in Brazil ended without any explicit plan to transition away from fossil fuels.

This article was written by Alexa St. John and was published in the Toronto Star on December 31, 2025.

Cli­mate change worsened by human beha­viour made 2025 one of the three hot­test years on record, sci­ent­ists said.

It was also the first time the three year tem­per­at­ure aver­age broke through the threshold set in the 2015 Paris Agree­ment of lim­it­ing warm­ing to no more than 1.5 C since pre­indus­trial times. Experts say keep­ing the Earth below that limit could save lives and pre­vent cata­strophic envir­on­mental destruc­tion around the globe.

The ana­lysis from World Weather Attri­bu­tion (WWA) research­ers, released Tues­day in Europe, came after a year when people around the world were slammed by the dan­ger­ous extremes brought on by a warm­ing planet.

Tem­per­at­ures remained high des­pite the pres­ence of a La Niña, the occa­sional nat­ural cool­ing of Pacific Ocean waters that influ­ences weather world­wide. Research­ers cited the con­tin­ued burn­ing of fossil fuels — oil, gas and coal — that send planet­warm­ing green­house gases into the atmo­sphere.

“If we don’t stop burn­ing fossil fuels very, very, quickly, very soon, it will be very hard to keep that goal” of warm­ing, Friederike Otto, cofounder of World Weather Attri­bu­tion and an Imper­ial Col­lege Lon­don cli­mate sci­ent­ist, told The Asso­ci­ated Press. “The sci­ence is increas­ingly clear.”

Extreme weather events kill thou­sands of people and cost bil­lions of dol­lars in dam­age annu­ally.

WWA sci­ent­ists iden­ti­fied 157 extreme weather events as most severe in 2025, mean­ing they met cri­teria such as caus­ing more than 100 deaths, affect­ing more than half an area’s pop­u­la­tion or hav­ing a state of emer­gency declared. Of those, they closely ana­lyzed 22.

That included dan­ger­ous heat waves, which the WWA said were the world’s dead­li­est extreme weather events in 2025. The research­ers said some of the heat waves they stud­ied in 2025 were 10 times more likely than they would have been a dec­ade ago due to cli­mate change.

“The heat waves we have observed this year are quite com­mon events in our cli­mate today, but they would have been almost impossible to occur without human ­induced cli­mate change,” Otto said. “It makes a huge dif­fer­ence.”

Mean­while, pro­longed drought con­trib­uted to wild­fires that scorched Greece and Tur­key. Tor­ren­tial rains and flood­ing in Mex­ico killed dozens of people and left many more miss­ing. Super Typhoon Fung­wong slammed the Phil­ip­pines, for­cing more than a mil­lion people to evac­u­ate. Mon­soon rains battered India with floods and land­slides.

The WWA said the increas­ingly fre­quent and severe extremes threatened the abil­ity of mil­lions of people across the globe to respond and adapt to those events with enough warn­ing, time and resources, what the sci­ent­ists call “lim­its of adapt­a­tion.” The report poin­ted to Hur­ricane Melissa as an example: The storm intens­i­fied so quickly that it made fore­cast­ing and plan­ning more dif­fi­cult, and pum­melled Jamaica, Cuba and Haiti so severely that it left the small island nations unable to respond to and handle its extreme losses and dam­age.

This year’s United Nations cli­mate talks in Brazil in Novem­ber ended without any expli­cit plan to trans­ition away from fossil fuels, and though more money was pledged to help coun­tries adapt to cli­mate change, they will take more time to do it.

Offi­cials, sci­ent­ists and ana­lysts have con­ceded that Earth’s warm­ing will over­shoot 1.5 C, though some say revers­ing that trend remains pos­sible.

Yet dif­fer­ent nations are see­ing vary­ing levels of pro­gress.

China is rap­idly deploy­ing renew­able ener­gies includ­ing solar and wind power — but it is also con­tinu­ing to invest in coal. Though increas­ingly fre­quent extreme weather has spurred calls for cli­mate action across Europe, some nations say that lim­its eco­nomic growth.

Mean­while, in the U.S., the Trump admin­is­tra­tion has steered the nation away from clean ­energy policy in favour of meas­ures that sup­port coal, oil and gas.

As fast shipping increases emissions, delivery has become more polluting

This article was written by Aya Diab and was published in the Globe & Mail on December 29, 2025.

It feels simple: You shop, find something you want and click to buy. It shows up today, overnight or tomorrow. We’ve gotten used to that speed. But that convenience comes with a climate cost.

Multiple factors shape the environmental toll of a delivery. These include the distance from a fulfilment centre, whether the shipment rides in a half-empty truck, how many trips a driver makes in the same area and the type of transportation used to move the package.

When customers choose faster shipping and earlier delivery dates, the system shifts from optimized routing to whatever gets the package out fastest, and that means higher emissions, said Sreedevi Rajagopalan, a research scientist at MIT’s Center for Transportation and Logistics. For example, trucks may leave warehouses before they’re full and drivers might loop the same neighbourhood multiple times a day, she said.

“For the same demand, fast shipping definitely increases emissions 10 to 12 per cent,” she said.

To meet tight delivery windows, retailers may rely on air freight, which produces far more emissions than other options such as trains, making it the most carbon-intensive.

“Given that companies want to be competitive in terms of speed, it comes at the cost of your efficiency,” Ms. Sreedevi said. “Vans are half full, and you make multiple rounds, multiple trips to the same location … your fuel consumption goes up, and you’re not able to consolidate.”

One way companies such as Amazon.com Inc. try to minimize that is by placing their supply chain closer to customers to reduce mileage and improve speed for the customer. Their goal is to make the journey fast and effective, but reduce its emissions at the same time.

“By really leveraging our supply chain efficiencies that we have at scale, we’re able to both offer better speed and sustainability outcomes at the same time,” said Chris Atkins, director of Worldwide Operations Sustainability at Amazon.

Getting items to customers’ doors from a fulfilment centre – referred to as the “last mile” or “last kilometre” of shipping – is one of the hardest stages to make less polluting, Ms. Sreedevi said.

Emissions rise even more when customers place multiple small orders throughout the week.

“If I place an order this morning and then I place an order this evening and choose fast shipping, the company might have already processed my morning order and wouldn’t wait for my evening order to consolidate,” she said.

And sending more half-full trucks out on the road means more trips overall. “Imagine you’re not only sending a half-full truck, you’re also bringing back that truck empty. … Emissions are going to go up,” Ms. Sreedevi said.

Consumers can lower emissions if they’re willing to wait even a tiny bit, and they’ll save money at the same time, said Christopher Faires, assistant professor of logistics and supply chain management at Georgia Southern University.

Delaying delivery by one to two days can result in a 36-per-cent reduction in carbon-dioxide emissions, and three to four days pushes that reduction to 56 per cent, so opting for standard or delayed shipping instead of next-day or two-day shipping helps, according to Ms. Sreedevi.

Amazon’s Mr. Atkins said changes to their network are cutting emissions linked to fast delivery. The company has expanded the use of electric delivery vans and shifted more packages to rail and to delivering by foot or bicycle in dense cities.

“Aviation is very carbon-intensive relative to ground shipping,” said Mr. Atkins. “One of the other things that Amazon and other logistics companies are looking at doing is: How do we mode-shift to less carbon intensive forms of transportation?”

Amazon says providing shipping options that encourage customers to consolidate orders have also helped. Data for the first nine months of 2025 shows that when customers chose a single delivery day for all items, it reduced more than 300 million delivery stops and avoided 100,000 tons of carbon emissions, according to Mr. Atkins. People are more likely to delay or consolidate orders once they understand the environmental impact of fast shipping, according to Ms. Sreedevi, who coauthored a 2024 study of delivery customers in Mexico.

“A significant number of consumers decided to wait for longer delivery or delayed their shipping when we showed them the environmental impact information in the form of trees,” said Ms. Sreedevi. “So it’s important that they are educated.”

While fast shipping isn’t likely to go away, experts say its climate impacts can be meaningfully reduced through small behaviour shifts, both from shoppers and companies. Bundling orders, skipping the overnight option and choosing a single weekly delivery can all make a difference.

Long a target of backlash, ESG looks to be headed for a rebrand

This article was written by Jeffrey Jones and was published in the Globe & Mail on December 29, 2025.

A storm of new business risks and a shift in government investment priorities have converged to force a rewrite of what ESG is, and even what it should be called.

The concepts of environmental, social and governance – once a hot market trend – have long been the target of a backlash in the United States. MAGA Republicans, especially, decried them as “wokeism” that held companies and investors back from their main objective – making money.

But this year, simultaneous geopolitical and trade disruptions and crises affecting Canada have prompted experts to assert that the triptych, as it has been known, is being forced to evolve.

Climate change is still intensifying weather-related disasters, and Canadian companies are still tallying the environmental and social risks to their businesses. But now, other concerns outside the traditional ESG realm have entered the discussion.

So, what will ESG become? As a capital-markets veteran, Milla Craig, chief executive officer of Montreal-based ESG consultancy Millani Inc., lived through the fallout from 9/11, U.S. bank mergers, the financial crisis and other disruptions. They showed that nothing remains static, Ms. Craig said.

“You can sit and hold on to your views and your opinions, or you adapt. And I think that there’s a bit of reckoning right now. There’s a phase as things grow and come to a marketplace,” she said. “Now, there’s a pragmatism.”

She argues that ESG now encompasses items that have not traditionally been included, such as energy security and economics, affordability, a focus on sovereignty among Indigenous nations and Canada’s Arctic, as well as cybersecurity and artificial intelligence.

“I don’t care if you call it ESG. These are business issues. These are topics that are being focused on by capital markets. It feels like it’s actually the mainstreaming of all the things that lay out within ESG, but they’re just becoming what a board needs to be looking at. It’s part of the materiality,” Ms. Craig said.

As an ESG and sustainable-infrastructure analyst, Baltej Sidhu has noted the expansion of what fits into ESG and has predicted that the label’s days are numbered.

Mr. Sidhu, of National Bank Financial, said sustainable investing in some cases no longer excludes the defence industry, for instance, or the materials that go into its armaments, as security concerns grip parts of the world. This took hold after Russia invaded Ukraine, he said. Some of those materials are also used for green technology.

“In the past few years, we’ve seen an evolution of what ESG is and what ESG isn’t,” he said.

“At the outset, it was very green, and I think it’s widened its breadth and scope.”

The risk-management tools developed within ESG for climate and societal issues are now ingrained in business culture, even if the acronym fades away, he said.

This evolution is not happening in a vacuum. Domestically, government priorities have shifted, as Prime Minister Mark Carney pushes to get major industrial projects built to blunt the impact of U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariff war.

Mr. Carney, previously one of the foremost exponents of climate finance, has pledged to loosen or scrap a number of the previous government’s decarbonization regulations as part of a memorandum of understanding with Alberta, which wants a new oil pipeline to the West Coast. As a quid pro quo, Alberta must strengthen its industrial carbon pricing.

Yrjo Koskinen, professor of sustainable and transition finance at the University of Calgary’s Haskayne School of Business, believes carbon pricing remains the best tool for reducing carbon emissions, even if those moves over all have upset environmentalists.

Yet companies are still embracing the principles of ESG for managing risk, and collecting the metrics, if they see it improving value for their shareholders, he said.

“Even if the term ESG might be retired at some point, I think the activities are going to continue, maybe under the sustainability label. So the death of ESG is highly exaggerated,” Prof. Koskinen said.

Mr. Carney’s government has also called for some provisions in anti-greenwashing legislation to be scaled back. Several companies, especially in the fossil fuel and financial sectors, complained that the legislation prevented them from publishing anything about their environmental records and ambitions by putting them at risk of stiff financial penalties. Many removed materials from their websites.

The law firm Torys recently reported that 91 per cent of the largest 200 Canadian companies published a sustainability, ESG or climate-focused report last year, down from 95 per cent in its previous study. Meanwhile, it said “materially fewer” companies used the term ESG to describe the report.

Millani’s surveys, however, have shown that major investors are not backing off their own commitments to sustainable investing, including demanding climate-related and work-force diversity metrics as they evaluate their holdings.

Climate Engagement Canada, whose members, comprising several institutional investors, seek to push the largest industrial emitters to reduce climate-related financial risks, increased its membership in 2025. The group now collectively manages $14.5-trillion of assets.

In addition, there is still money flowing into ESG-related funds, both public and private. National Bank Financial reported net inflows of $1.5-billion into Canadian ESG-focused exchange-traded funds from January to November. In the most recent month, there was a net outflow of $161-million, though most of that was driven by redemptions among large institutional funds in the NBI Sustainable Global Equity ETF, the bank reported.

Long-term investors remain active in private markets. Investors plowed US$20-billion into the second iteration of NBI Sustainable Global Equity ETF, making it the world’s largest private fund targeting the energy transition.

Among other big deals, Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec bought out Montrealbased Innergex Renewable Energy Inc. for $2.8-billion.

The law firm Torys recently reported that 91 per cent of the largest 200 Canadian companies published a sustainability, ESG or climate-focused report last year, down from 95 per cent in its previous study. Meanwhile, it said ‘materially fewer’ companies used the term ESG to describe the report.