Canada needs to be less ‘scared’ of taking over the cleantech revolution, former Biden official says

This article was written by Adam Radwanski and was published in the Globe & Mail on July 21, 2025.

A central figure in former president Joe Biden’s effort to make the United States a clean-energy superpower believes Canada needs to get more assertive about trying to attract low-carbon investment and innovation now being displaced south of the border.

Jigar Shah, previously one of his country’s most high-profile cleantech entrepreneurs, was director of the Loans Program Office (LPO) in the U.S. Department of Energy from 2021 until early this year.

That meant he oversaw approximately US$400-billion in lending authority through the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act – a key driver in the surge in U.S. investment in renewable electricity, the electric-vehicle supply chain and the scale-up of new technologies, all aimed largely at challenging Chinese dominance.

With the U.S. now retreating from the cleantech race under President Donald Trump, including a disempowering of the LPO, Mr. Shah spoke to The Globe and Mail about why and how he believes Canada needs to become more fearless in trying to step into the void.

What have you been hearing the past few months, from companies or investors that were in the process of planning clean-energy projects in the U.S. while you were at the DOE?

If you’re talking about investors, I worked with infrastructure investors, and they want to know what rules are going to be for the next 10 years, because they make money over the long term.

Certainty really matters, and now there’s all the tariffs, [possibly] firing the Fed Chair, figuring out how to roll back incentives. And at a time when the administration is promising that they’re going to make permitting more efficient, they’re making permitting more difficult for solar and wind.

Now, on the company side, entrepreneurs are people on a mission. If they’re being left at the altar in the United States, they’ll find other jurisdictions that want to support them to get to the finish line.

If there’s likely to be displaced cleantech capital from the U.S., should Canada be doing more to attract it?

Whether it’s Canada or the U.K. or Australia or EU, they have pots of money – particularly loan money, where I’m more focused – that’s available to match what we achieved with the Loan Programs Office. But they run those programs in a way that makes it harder to get money out of them than from Wall Street.

Canada already has the tools necessary to succeed at attracting companies. The problem is the people running the tools are scared.

How do you mean scared?

I think scared of financial losses.

We never were afraid of financial losses. We did such a good job that we didn’t have many – we were at less than 3-per-cent loss rates. But we were leaning in.

We were saying, if your application is short in these three areas, let us help you figure out how to clean them up to get to the finish line. Whereas many of these other countries are saying sorry, we don’t like your deal, we’re not gonna give you any feedback, and we hope you find somebody else to fund you.

You were aggressively seeking them out, right?

You have to aggressively seek them out. Most governments say, if we have money, people will come. And that’s simply not true.

Most entrepreneurs don’t want to interact with the government. So you have to make it an inviting relationship.

If you’re running an agency such as the Canada Growth Fund or the Canada Infrastructure Bank, largely geared toward low-carbon investment, should you literally be cold-calling folks who might be getting displaced from the U.S. and gauging interest in relocating projects here? Or is that oversimplifying it?

The first thing that I did when I became the head of the LPO was to cold call a hundred companies. And I do think that Canadians should be cold calling a hundred companies.

I then hired 40 ombudsmen in our outreach department, who called almost 1,000 companies and said, hey, you’re too early for us, but let us explain what the milestones are that you have to reach to be able to use us in two years.

Those agencies here, particularly the Canada Growth Fund, are trying some pretty complex instruments – equity stakes, contracts for differences, offtake agreements. Did you favour loans just because that was the most available tool, or do you think there’s a danger in overcomplexity?

I think there’s a danger in moving away from being private sectorled. The problem with using equity and some of these other tools is it can look like the government is more interested than the private sector in getting something done.

Are there particular technologies or sectors that you think Canada should be trying to target?

The U.S. clearly has a mandate that befits the largest GDP in the world, so we covered all 20 or so [cleantech] sectors. Each country is going to have to find their areas of focus.

I would say it’s very obvious that Canada has a huge lead in nuclear technology. But I don’t think Canada is prepared to meet the moment right now and help the United States build 10 [large nuclear reactors], which is what the President has announced.

Not prepared in what sense?

The biggest problem with nuclear is getting the financial stack put together. The Loan Programs Office can put together a loan. But then you have to raise equity, and you have to figure out cost overrun risk.

Canadians have the best sources of equity in the world – CPPIB and Ontario Teachers and AIMCO and others. They separately have an ability to manage risk; I mean, there’s no smarter prime minister in the G7 than Mark Carney at these types of structuring assignments. And Canadians want some of the supply chain jobs.

But I don’t think that Canada is actually putting that all together. And I don’t think Westinghouse [the Pennsylvania-based nuclear giant now owned by Canada’s Brookfield Asset Management and Cameco Corp.] knows how to ask for things from the Canadian government.

To come back to risk, you’re saying not to be afraid of the odd failure, which is a common thing I’ve heard in this space – that government financing agencies should be judged across their portfolios. Still, isn’t there a challenge in assessing the prospects of companies in some emerging, volatile sectors?

I think part of the challenge we have here is when a company goes bankrupt, we believe that the government is somehow harmed.

In China, they always start with a hundred companies, and end up with six. That means 94 went bankrupt. Are you worried about that? No, they still have champions in solar manufacturing and critical minerals processing and battery manufacturing and EV manufacturing. And you don’t know the names of the other 94 companies that went bankrupt.

The technology that you have needs to be scaled up, and the total loss to the people of Canada for a $100-million loan or a $500-million loan going bankrupt is immaterial to the value of entrepreneurs believing that once they’ve invented something in Canada, they can scale up in Canada.

How much interest have you had from the Canadian government or its agencies lately? It would be obvious to reach out for guidance on how to attract more of this investment ourselves.

I think that the Carney government is still filling important positions, and until those positions are filled and they receive a mandate, people are still waiting for instructions.

I’m worried that they’re going to miss the window and some companies are either going to choose other jurisdictions or go bankrupt before the Carney government has everything in place.

Canada must reposition itself to be the world’s market for value-added natural resources

This opinion was written by Darryl White and was published in the Globe & Mail on July 18, 2025.

The LNG tanker GasLog Glasgow, shown arriving at the Kitimat, B.C., harbour last month, will carry the first liquefied natural gas produced from the LNG Canada facility to Asia.

With ample financial firepower to invest in the sector and red tape being slashed, now is the time to step up, Chief executive of BMO Financial Group

In April, Prime Minister Mark Carney laid out Canada’s “tremendous opportunity to be the world’s leading energy superpower, in both clean and conventional energy.”

That proclamation set the mood at this year’s Calgary Stampede. Many of our Western Canadian clients – across various industries – are increasingly bullish about Canada’s potential, while understandably reserved until they see more evidence aligning policy with ambition.

Every urban, rural and remote community needs growing private-sector companies, especially large industrial employers, like energy and mining, whose supply chains and professional services needs can multiply their economic impact.

That growth – Canada’s growth – requires attracting more domestic and international capital.

The business community should lean in. Canadian banks are active capital providers and advisers to companies and investors. Our clients, from small to large businesses, want to grow and diversify their client base – and we’re prepared to support.

Successive Canadian governments have done the hard work to create an advantaged global position, with trade agreements covering Europe, North America and many of the Asia-Pacific’s largest economies. These deals give Canadian companies a cost advantage compared with our global competitors.

We know that capital is drawn to competitive tax rates, skilled work forces and consistently applied, development-friendly laws and regulations. But certainty is the unifying theme. To meet today’s moment, leaders and investors need certainty that they will be permitted to get on with the job and let efficient global markets allocate capital to the best opportunities.

So far, Ottawa has begun to deliver. Investment conditions are improving with the landmark multipartisan legislation ending federal barriers to interprovincial trade, encouraging labour mobility, and setting the table for the delivery of “major projects.”

Our collective challenge is now twofold: One, for political parties aligned with this pro-growth, open-for-business philosophy to keep their foot on the gas and, two, for Canadians to keep the faith in its delivery.

That’s a tall order. People want swift results, and our project approval processes are famously sclerotic. A dose of strategic patience supported by relentless execution is the prescription.

We have a generational opportunity to align Canada’s economy to its natural advantages. Canada is home to the conventional energy and critical minerals the world needs and has the geopolitical position to develop them responsibly.

Canada must become the world leader in the responsible extraction, domestic refining and, where viable, manufacturing of end products. We must reposition Canada from a place commodities come from, to the world’s market for value-added natural resources and the products developed from them.

An uncomfortable truth for some is that the industrial processes of refining energy and minerals can be resource- and carbon-intensive. As the world transitions to a cleaner energy economy, demand for these products will only increase, resulting in the extraction and refining of critical minerals, and oil and gas – somewhere.

Do we want it to happen in a country with robust environmental and human rights standards, while our communities prosper from the economic activity through jobs, tax revenues and development? Or, do we hand the reins – and benefits – to countries with weaker standards?

My bet’s on Canada. My former competitor Brian Porter once wrote in these pages that “the last barrel of oil should be a Canadian one.” I agree with him, and would add: bringing to market every critical mineral we can access, for the benefit of all Canadians.

Capturing more value from our natural resources and going beyond exporting commodities is key to our prosperity and improving productivity. Efforts to deliver nation-building projects must favour reforms that strengthen our economy and persistently attract investment – not one-off, time-limited interventions that sound good but miss the mark on permanent economic expansion.

Expediting “major projects” is needed, but competing at our best requires culture change that leads to all projects receiving timely consideration by default, reflecting the urgency and certainty that capital craves. The durability of these changes will be critical, especially as we support newer technologies with higher deployment risk, such as nuclear and hydrogen power, or projects massive in scale, such as EastWest electricity transmission or the Pathways Alliance carboncapture project.

Many will be watching to see how the rubber hits the road, from capital allocators, to international investors, to policy makers of Canada’s competitors. Investors have abundant global options. Our task is to make Canada the easy choice.

Ultimately, it’s an early test of federal and provincial government resolve. The potential to expand Canadian prosperity for decades is before us. It’s a grand bargain that reflects the economic ambitions of all regions of our great country. Let’s capture this moment and set the stage for decades of growth.

Automakers call on Carney to repeal zero-emission vehicle mandate

This article was written by Steven Chase and Eric Atkins, and was published in the Globe & Mail on July 3, 2025.

The CEOs of Ford Motor Company of Canada, General Motors of Canada and Stellantis Canada met with Prime Minister Mark Carney.

Auto sector chief executives urged Prime Minister Mark Carney Wednesday during a meeting on the Canada-U.S. trade war to repeal federal regulations that require one in five vehicles sold starting in 2026 to be zero-emission models.

The CEOs of Ford Motor Company of Canada, General Motors of Canada Co. and Stellantis Canada met with Mr. Carney in Ottawa as the Canadian and U.S. governments try to reach a trade deal by July 21 that might end Washington’s tariffs on Canadianmade automobiles, among other levies.

Automakers are warning that electric-vehicle sales in Canada are waning this year and it would be impossible to reach the zeroemission vehicle (ZEV) mandate targets that take effect starting in 2026.

Brian Kingston, president of the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers’ Association – which includes Ford, General Motors and Stellantis – said two key issues discussed at the meeting were trade policy and the federal ZEV sales mandate.

“At a time when the auto industry is under immense pressure, it is more important than ever that the damaging and redundant ZEV mandate be urgently removed,” Mr. Kingston said in a statement. “Canada’s longest established automakers appreciated the candid discussion with the Prime Minister and look forward to collaborating to protect and grow this critical industry,” he said.

According to a controversial policy Ottawa announced in 2022, by next year 20 per cent of Canadian car sales must be powered by a battery, fuel cell or plug-in hybrid system. This rises to 60 per cent by 2030 and 100 per cent by 2035.

The program includes credits for manufacturers, which are earned by exceeding ZEV targets and can be banked to meet future mandates or traded. Credits are also earned by investing in charging stations. Companies that do not meet the targets fall into a deficit that must be cleared up within three years.

The automakers say that missing their targets would mean limiting the availability of internal combustion vehicles to remain in compliance or purchasing credits from companies such as Tesla.

Automakers say they won’t be able to meet next year’s target, and that consumers – not government – should decide what is available on the car lots.

Flavio Volpe, president of the Automotive Parts Manufacturers’ Association, was not at Wednesday’s meeting with Mr. Carney.

But he said indications are that the trade war between Canada and the United States is hurting vehicle production in Canada.

“The half of the auto parts that leave Canadian factories, that go into Canadian assembly, those orders are down by a quarter to one-third,” he said.

“There’s a lot of anxiety in the business right now.”

He said Ottawa shouldn’t be heaping further pain on automakers who are already suffering under the Canada-U.S. strife.

“How are we going to avoid punishing the same companies who are getting punished in this trade war?”

Canada is grappling with U.S. President Donald Trump’s 50-per-cent tariffs on steel and aluminum, and a 25-per-cent tariff on autos. In addition, Canada faces 25-percent levies on anything not traded under the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, with the exception of oil, gas and potash, which are taxed at 10 per cent. Canada’s retaliatory tariffs include levies on U.S.-made autos.

Last year, EVs accounted for 13.8 per cent of total vehicles sold, according to Statistics Canada. In March of this year, EV sales fell by 45 per cent from a year ago for a total share of 6.5 per cent, driven down by the loss of provincial and federal incentives, high prices and fears over a lack of charging stations, even as overall car sales rose.

The federal government in January halted its EV incentives for car buyers, but says it plans to reinstate them. Under the program, car buyers received $5,000 rebates for zero-emissions vehicles and $2,500 for hybrid gas-electric vehicles.

Quebec is phasing out its incentive plan while Ontario cancelled its plan in 2018.

In the U.S., the world’s second-largest car market, Mr. Trump eliminated the country’s EV mandate and federal support for buyers. He also blocked California’s efforts to mandate EV sales and set tailpipe emissions regulations.

The drop in demand for EVs has prompted car makers to rethink their manufacturing and investing strategies.

Honda Canada recently postponed its $15-billion EV and battery project in Ontario, and Stellantis NV delayed production of the electric Dodge Charger R/T at its plant in Windsor, Ont.

Ford Motor Co. scrubbed plans last year to make EVs in Oakville, instead planning to produce gas-powered pickup trucks when the factory reopens.

Trade war between Canada, China is point­less

Bottles of canola oil manufactured in Canada are seen on a shelf of a grocery store in Beijing. C hina has imposed a 100 per cent retaliatory tariff on certain canola products from Canada.

This opinion was written by David Olive and was published in the Toronto Star on June 12, 2025.

Canada and China are talk­ing at last about end­ing the trade war between the two coun­tries. An end to the hos­til­it­ies can’t come soon enough.

Thou­sands of Cana­dian farm­ers and fish­ers stand to lose bil­lions of dol­lars in rev­en­ues from tar­iffs Ott­awa imposed on China last year, trig­ger­ing retali­at­ory tar­iffs by China on impor­ted Cana­dian agri­cul­tural goods.

The trade con­flict is caus­ing injury to Prairie farm­ers and to fish­ers on both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts.

And the war is point­less. Prime Min­is­ter Mark Car­ney and Chinese Premier Li Qiang have agreed to launch high­level talks to resolve the con­flict.

“The Cana­dian gov­ern­ment is enga­ging with its Chinese coun­ter­parts at the min­is­terial level and we’ll con­tinue those dis­cus­sions,” Car­ney said on June 2. “They’re a top pri­or­ity for us.”

With luck the nego­ti­at­ors will achieve a break­through in com­ing months.

Ott­awa star­ted this second trade dis­pute, over­shad­owed by the Trump admin­is­tra­tion’s pred­a­tions on Canada’s eco­nomy and sov­er­eignty.

In Octo­ber, the Trudeau gov­ern­ment imposed a 100 per cent tar­iff on impor­ted Chinese elec­tric vehicles (EV). At the same time, it placed duties on Chinese steel and alu­minum imports.

China retali­ated in March with tar­iffs on nearly $4 bil­lion worth of impor­ted Cana­dian agri­cul­tural products.

China imposed a 100 per cent tar­iff on cer­tain can­ola products and dry peas, and 25 per cent duties on selec­ted Cana­dian fish, sea­food and pork products.

Can­ola pro­du­cers, con­cen­trated in Saskat­chewan, stand to lose about $1 bil­lion in rev­en­ues from a tar­iff­ induced drop in sales.

And the Fish­er­ies Coun­cil of Canada estim­ates that Cana­dian fish­ers have lost about 83 per cent of their export mar­ket from the Chinese tar­iffs com­bined with those of the Trump admin­is­tra­tion.

The premi­ers of Saskat­chewan and B.C. have openly lob­bied Ott­awa to lift its tar­iffs on China.

The dis­pute has taken a toll on national unity.

West­ern Cana­dian farm­ers regard the tar­iffs on China as a meas­ure to pro­tect the Ontario ­based auto sec­tor at their expense.

Which is true.

Ott­awa felt obliged to act in lock­step with a Biden admin­is­tra­tion that imposed 100 per cent tar­iffs on Chinese EVs and a wide range of other Chinese imports earlier last year.

Canada’s pro­tec­tion­ism was in defence of an integ­rated con­tin­ental auto sec­tor that Biden’s suc­cessor, U.S. Pres­id­ent Don­ald Trump, means to des­troy by relo­cat­ing Cana­dian vehicle pro­duc­tion to the U.S.

Not that the Cana­dian tar­iffs ever made much sense.

China’s biggest EV makers were focused on their enorm­ous home mar­ket and Europe and Latin Amer­ica.

And effect­ively ban­ning afford­able high ­qual­ity Chinese EVs that have been tak­ing mar­ket share from the likes of Mer­cedes­ Benz in China reduces Canada’s chances of meet­ing its zero­ emis­sions tar­gets.

Canada has also been drawn into the great­ powers struggle between the U.S. and China, align­ing its trade policy with a U.S. gov­ern­ment now hos­tile to Canada.

West­ern auto­makers are not yet able to com­pete with the $13,000 Seagull, a flag­ship of China’s biggest auto­maker, BYD.

The low­est Cana­dian prices for EVs made by west­ern auto­makers range from $40,000 (Fiat 500e) to $53,000 (Ford Mus­tang Mach­E), accord­ing to Driv­ing.ca.

Some industry experts say the absence of Chinese EVs from the Cana­dian and U.S. mar­kets holds back west­ern auto­makers from adopt­ing the design and advanced man­u­fac­tur­ing meth­ods of their Chinese rivals.

And if Trump closes the U.S. mar­ket to Cana­dian ­made vehicles, they will have to com­pete with Chinese EVs in non ­U.S. mar­kets.

BYD is no stranger to Canada, hav­ing sold buses to transit oper­at­ors across the coun­try assembled at a plant in New­mar­ket. But BYD was dis­suaded from pas­sen­ger vehicle sales in Canada by the pro­hib­it­ive tar­iffs.

Wang Di, China’s ambas­sador to Canada, said last week that Canada’s trade war with his coun­try is hold­ing back inten­ded Chinese invest­ment in Canada.

Let’s call him on that. Canada could scrap its duties on Chinese steel and alu­minum. And it could set quotas that allow a lim­ited num­ber of vehicles in the Cana­dian mar­ket from BYD, Chery Auto­mobile, Geely Auto and other Chinese auto­makers.

Canada could set quotas or reduce the tar­iff to, say, 50 per cent, or both.

In time, the quotas and remain­ing tar­iffs would be removed as west­ern auto­makers reduce pro­duc­tion costs and show­room prices.

And if, as Wang says, BYD and other Chinese firms are inter­ested in invest­ing in Canada, let’s wel­come their pro­pos­als to build vehicle assembly or EV bat­tery plants in Canada.

Car­ney is embarked on a fence ­mend­ing tour that has seen him make per­sonal entreat­ies with Saudi Ara­bia, India and China.

Closer to home, Car­ney could rein­force national unity, fight cli­mate change, provide Cana­dian motor­ists with more choice dur­ing a costof­liv­ing crisis, and boost for­eign invest­ment cap­ital in Canada with just one set of suc­cess­ful trade nego­ti­ations with China.

If we are to take Wang at his word, Car­ney would be push­ing on an open door in get­ting that done, and soon.

Canada needs to open up its mar­ket

This article was written by Rachel Doran and Joanna Kyriazias, and was published in the Toronto Star on June 9, 2025.

RACHEL DORAN IS EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR AND JOANNA KYRIAZIS IS DIRECTOR OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS AT CLEAN ENERGY CANADA, A THINK TANK AT SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY’S MORRIS J. WOSK CENTRE FOR DIALOGUE.

You may have heard this one before: gov­ern­ments are “for­cing” people to buy elec­tric vehicles. It’s how U.S. Pres­id­ent Don­ald Trump described the efforts of his pre­de­cessor and some in Canada have sim­il­arly accused the feds and cer­tain provinces of push­ing their green agenda on unin­ter­ested drivers.

For the record, drivers are not unin­ter­ested. A new sur­vey from Aba­cus Data com­mis­sioned by Clean Energy Canada finds that 45 per cent of Cana­dians are inclined to get an EV as their next vehicle and that share is con­sid­er­ably higher in urban areas (55 per cent in the GTHA and a whop­ping 69 per cent in Metro Van­couver) and among younger Cana­dians (57 per cent of those under 30).

But there’s no doubt Canada is start­ing to fall behind. By the end of this year, more than one­in­four vehicles sold world­wide will be elec­tric, up from one­in­five in 2024. Here in Canada, EVs made up 15.4 per cent of car sales last year, but due to a (hope­fully tem­por­ary) pause of EV incent­ives nation­ally and in B.C., 2025 could go down as the first year that EV sales decline in Canada — even as they accel­er­ate glob­ally.

Which raises the ques­tion: Cana­dians are some of the richest inhab­it­ants on planet Earth, so why are we turn­ing into a tech­no­lo­gical back­wa­ter? More to the point, why can we not access so many of the lower­cost, high­qual­ity EVs being sold to con­sumers in so many other coun­tries? The short answer is Canada’s walled­off, uncom­pet­it­ive car mar­ket.

The most com­monly known cause of this is Canada’s decision to align itself with the U.S. in pla­cing a 100 per cent tar­iff on Chinese EVs last year, a move meant to pla­cate Trump that has obvi­ously not worked as he con­tin­ues to impose unne­ces­sary harm on our auto, steel and alu­minum sec­tors.

Europe, by com­par­ison, settled on tar­iffs of eight per cent to 35 per cent after a long invest­ig­a­tion; a pro­por­tion­ate response meant to even the play­ing field for its local auto­makers. The U.S. and Canada (though not Mex­ico) instead erec­ted a ver­it­able wall. Canada’s can­ola, sea­food and pork indus­tries have since become col­lat­eral dam­age as a tar­get of Chinese retali­ation.

As ana­lysis from BloombergNEF recently con­cluded, “there’s a clear factor divid­ing which coun­tries are see­ing faster EV adop­tion and which are going slower: open­ness to Chinese car­makers.”

And this part is key: “Even in mar­kets where Chinese auto­makers make up a rel­at­ively small share of total EV sales, their pres­ence forces com­pet­i­tion and pushes incum­bent auto­makers to put real effort into their EV launches.”

The crit­ical D­word here is not dis­place­ment but dis­rup­tion. The idea that com­pet­i­tion drives every­one to up their game is as old as Adam Smith.

In the above men­tioned Aba­cus sur­vey, 53 per cent of Cana­dians say they would prefer “a lower tar­iff that bal­ances pro­tec­tion for Canada’s auto industry with improv­ing afford­ab­il­ity,” with another 29 per cent pre­fer­ring no tar­iff at all on Chinese EVs. Only 19 per cent want to keep a 100 per cent tar­iff in place.

But China is not the only import­ant dis­rupter.

Another idea advoc­ated by the Cana­dian Auto­mobile Deal­ers Asso­ci­ation sounds like a no­brainer when said aloud: vehicles approved for European roads should be approved for Cana­dian ones. Deal­er­ships get more cars to sell and Cana­dians enjoy more choice.

European mod­els like the com­pact Renault 5, a well­reviewed elec­tric hatch­back, would help fill a cur­rent void in our lim­ited car mar­ket. The idea is a pop­u­lar one, with 70 per cent sup­port among Cana­dians and only 10 per cent oppos­i­tion.

Yes, jobs in Cana­dian man­u­fac­tur­ing are vitally import­ant. But Canada can strike a bal­ance between open­ing up the EV mar­ket the right amount, invest­ing in while also fairly reg­u­lat­ing auto­makers and incentiv­iz­ing con­sumers. Indeed, Canada’s Elec­tric Vehicle Avail­ab­il­ity Stand­ard effect­ively applies some of the pres­sure that would oth­er­wise exist in a com­pletely com­pet­it­ive envir­on­ment on behalf of the con­sumer.

There are other ways to encour­age more afford­able EV options as well, such as put­ting a rel­at­ively tight price cap on EV rebates or per­haps even offer­ing a bonus rebate for cars com­ing in under $40,000.

Canada could also explore eas­ing tar­iff pres­sure fur­ther if, for example, Chinese­based auto­maker BYD agreed to build EVs in Canada, employ­ing Cana­dian auto work­ers, enga­ging in tech­no­logy trans­fer and cre­at­ing demand for all the upstream crit­ical min­er­als and bat­tery com­pon­ents we have to offer.

Finally, it’s not the case that leg­acy auto­makers can’t com­pete. GM is now selling EVs prof­it­ably and the com­pany says it will soon bring back its most afford­able offer­ing, the Chevy Bolt, no doubt respond­ing to the threat of low­cost Chinese EVs. GM’s $40,000 EV was once the most pop­u­lar non­Tesla elec­tric car in Canada.

A more com­pet­it­ive Cana­dian mar­ket might just com­pel GM to pri­or­it­ize Canada as the first new Bolts roll off fact­ory lines. The ques­tion, after all, is not whether Cana­dians want EVs, but whether we’re present­ing them with the best options.

There's no doubt Canada is start­ing to fall behind, write Rachel Doran and Joanna Kyriazias. By the end of this year, more than 25 per cent of vehicles sold world­wide will be elec­tric, up from 20 per cent in 2024. But in Canada, EVs made up just 15.4 per cent of car sales last year.

Beijing envoy urges Canada to drop tariffs on China’s electric vehicles

This article was written by Steven Chase and was published in the Globe & Mail on June 5, 2025.

China’s ambassador says Canada’s steep tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles are preventing the sort of investment here that has led to new auto-sector factories and jobs in Europe and Asia, and warns that the Trump administration’s call for Ottawa to join forces against Beijing represents an outdated “Cold War mentality.”

Wang Di, China’s envoy to Canada, cautioned against the formation of geopolitical blocs, in an interview with The Globe and Mail on Wednesday, the day after Pete Hoekstra, the U.S. ambassador to Canada, talked of the Canadian and U.S. auto sectors collaborating so they are “beating China and not each other.”

The United States under President Donald Trump has repeatedly pushed for Canada to act in concert with American officials against China. Last month, U.S. State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce told a media briefing in Washington that the U.S. government also wants Ottawa’s help in “countering the Chinese Communist Party influence in our hemisphere.”

Canada and China are locked in a trade war triggered by Ottawa’s decision in 2024 to follow the Biden administration in imposing 100-per-cent tariffs on Chinesemade electric vehicles. Canadian and American officials said the measures were necessary to protect domestic auto sectors from lower-priced Chinese EVs that were being overproduced and flooding global markets. Canada also enacted a 25-percent tariff on Chinese steel and aluminum.

In response, China imposed retaliatory tariffs on Canadian canola oil and meal, peas and seafood. Mr. Wang said the only way China will lift these is if Canada drops its EV and steel and aluminum tariffs.

Canada’s auto sector is heavily dependent on its American counterpart. Since the EV tariffs on China, however, Mr. Trump has said he doesn’t want Canada making cars for his country and wants auto production moved inside U.S. territory.

The envoy said Chinese EV makers were previously interested in investing in Canada but the 100-per-cent tariffs had discouraged them from doing so.

“Let’s find a solution quickly to remove these tariffs so that we can focus more on how we can strengthen our co-operation together.”

“China’s EV industry has the world-leading technology. And Canada has a very good foundation in terms of automaking industry,” he said. “That means we have great complementarities in this area.”

He noted Chinese battery maker Contemporary Amperex Technology Co. Ltd. is partnering with Ford Motor Co. to build a US$3.5-billion EV battery plant in Michigan, and Spanish vehicle maker Ebro-EV Motors and China’s Chery Automobile have begun vehicle production in a joint venture in Barcelona. Geely Auto, another Chinese producer, is also looking at setting up a factory in Spain to serve the European market, he said, while BYD has set up a plant in Thailand.

The European Union, which also imposed tariffs on Chinese EVs, has been in negotiations with Beijing for months on resolving its trade war with China.

China’s envoy to Canada has made diplomatic inroads with one of the provinces hurt by Beijing’s retaliatory tariffs. Mr. Wang said he met with Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe and members of his cabinet the week of May 12.

Prime Minister Mark Carney told reporters at his meeting with premiers June 2 that Canada is talking to China about removing its retaliatory tariffs, and Mr. Moe spoke after him to say he wants to secure a broader trading relationship with Beijing.

The U.S. is also trying to enlist Canada into joining Mr. Trump’s planned Golden Dome missile shield program aimed at blocking threats from Iran, North Korea, China and Russia. Mr. Trump even said Canadians could join for free if they agreed to be annexed as the “51st state,” but otherwise it would cost Canada US$61-billion. Mr. Carney has rejected any talk of political union but is in talks on whether to join Golden Dome.

Mr. Wang declined to counsel Canada on whether to join Golden Dome but noted the Chinese government has criticized it as a threat to global peace. “It has some offensive components to it, and it will intensify the arms race in the world, which will not be helpful to the peaceful development and stability of the world,” he said.

He said Canada shouldn’t be pressured into commitments by other countries.

“I think what the Canadian government should be doing is to make decisions based on the interests of the Canadian people, just like any other government in the world, instead of pursuing the interests of others or under the request of others.”

Canada and China’s relationship in recent years was damaged by a public inquiry into foreign interference by countries including China – a charge Beijing denies.

Mr. Wang said he is loath to tell Canada how to proceed on Golden Dome for fear he be accused of meddling in Canadian affairs.

“As for whether Canada wants to focus more on how to improve your people’s lives, or you want to spend more money on other things, I don’t think I can say more on that, because that will be interpreted as foreign interference.”

After the U.S., China was Canada’s second-biggest export market in 2024.

The envoy noted that Chinese Premier Li Qiang recently sent Mr. Carney a message congratulating him on his ascension to the Prime Minister’s Office that proposed they take the “opportunity to promote China-Canada relations in the right direction.”

Vina Nadjibulla, vice-president of research and strategy at the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, said China is an important trading partner in areas such as agriculture and energy, and trade in those areas should be deepened.

But “concerns that were present with respect to China just a few months ago are still there,” she said. “Just because our relationship with the U.S. is now difficult, it does not mean that those national-security concerns or economic-security concerns have disappeared.”

CEO lauds Quebec and Newfoundland’s energy deal

Pact signals to the U.S. that Canada can get ‘big things done’: Hydro-Québec’s Sabia

This article was written by the Canadian Press and was published in the Globe & Mail on June 4, 2025.

The chief executive of Hydro-Québec says a sweeping new energy deal with Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro is a signal to the United States that Canada can get “big things done.”

Michael Sabia was in St. John’s on Tuesday, where he pitched the draft deal as a turning point in Quebec’s relationship with Newfoundland and Labrador, and a step toward Canada becoming an “energy superpower.”

“Let’s be clear: Canada is under threat,” Mr. Sabia told a room full of representatives from Newfoundland and Labrador’s energy industry.

“This is a time of real economic and political uncertainty. It’s a time when Canadians need to work together to build the future,” he said. “Ultimately, that’s what this deal is about. It’s about building now to secure Canada’s energy future.”

Mr. Sabia was speaking to the crowd at a conference held by Energy N.L., Newfoundland and Labrador’s energy industry association. He was joined on stage by Jennifer Williams, president and chief executive of Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro.

The two discussed an agreement in principle announced last year that would end a contract signed in 1969 that allows Hydro-Québec to buy the lion’s share of the energy from the Churchill Falls hydroelectric plant at prices far below market value.

The contract has long been a source of bitterness in Canada’s easternmost province.

The new arrangement would end the contentious deal 16 years early and see Hydro-Québec pay for more power while developing new projects with Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro along the Churchill River. Newfoundland and Labrador would also get more power from Churchill Falls.

The memorandum of understanding has its critics. The Opposition Progressive Conservatives have been uneasy with the draft deal, demanding the Liberal government have it independently reviewed. The party also called for a halt to continuing negotiations of final contracts, saying a proposed national energy corridor could bring better opportunities.

Some in Newfoundland and Labrador have also wondered if Hydro-Québec can be trusted and whether the province will truly get enough value for its resources.

“Show me a deal where there hasn’t ever been skeptics,” Ms. Williams challenged when asked about those who have criticisms.

Mr. Sabia addressed the tangled history of the provinces several times and said repeatedly that the new arrangement was “balanced” and served the needs of both Newfoundland and Labrador and Quebec. Both sides made concessions, he said, adding that the deal contained items neither side wanted.

He refused to elaborate on what those were.

Mr. Sabia said the agreement is the “single most important signal we can send to the United States right now,” as long as it goes ahead as planned. Ms. Williams agreed the proposed projects need to proceed smoothly and quickly, repeating “rigour and speed are not incompatible.”

Both said they were heartened by signs from Prime Minister Mark Carney that he would speed up project approvals.

Ms. Williams touted the deal’s promised economic benefits, which includes $17-billion in revenue to the provincial treasury by 2041. Newfoundland and Labrador expects to be carrying a net debt of $19.4-billion by the end of the current fiscal year.

Officials hope to have final agreements hammered out next year. In the meantime, preliminary topographic and soil studies are expected to begin in Labrador this summer, Mr. Sabia said.

Pipeline push set to dominate PM’s meeting with premiers

This article was written by Laura Stone and Nojoud Al Mallees, and was published in the Globe & Mail on June 2, 2025.

Ontario announces deals with three provinces to lower trade barriers ahead of talks in Saskatoon

Prime Minister Mark Carney was facing provincial pressure to support a new oil pipeline and repeal a federal environmental review law as he prepared to join premiers at a Monday first ministers meeting focused on fast-tracking major infrastructure projects and reducing red tape.

Ahead of Monday’s meeting in Saskatoon, Ontario announced separate agreements with each of Saskatchewan, Alberta and Prince Edward Island to reduce trade barriers between them. Lowering these interprovincial barriers was expected to be another major theme of Mr. Carney’s meeting with the premiers, his first since winning the federal election.

The provinces have inked non-binding memorandums of understanding with Ontario in which they pledge to work on bilateral deals, including direct-to-consumer alcohol sales, and to work with interested jurisdictions on a national framework.

At a roundtable discussion with leaders in the energy sector Sunday, Mr. Carney reiterated his message that Canada needs to diversify its economy in the face of existential threats from U.S. President Donald Trump.

“It’s a critical time for our country. The world’s certainly more divided and dangerous and the imperative of making Canada an energy superpower in all respects has never been greater,” Mr. Carney said.

Premiers have submitted to Mr. Carney their wish lists for projects to be deemed in the national interest, which include infrastructure to access minerals in Ontario’s northern Ring of Fire region, a pipeline that would transport oil from Alberta to the West Coast, and a trade corridor out of Manitoba’s Port of Churchill, among others.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s pipeline push – and her argument that the failure to prioritize an oil pipeline would “send an unwelcome signal to Albertans concerned about Ottawa’s commitment to national unity” – is expected to dominate discussions at the meeting, as are her calls to scrap policies from the previous Liberal government, such as Bill C-69, the Environmental Assessment Act, which critics have dubbed the “no more pipelines” law.

Appearing alongside Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe in Saskatoon on Sunday to announce Ontario’s sixth interprovincial trade agreement, Ontario Premier Doug Ford said he hopes Mr. Carney expresses support for a new pipeline at the meeting.

“I’d like to encourage him to say that. We can’t rely on the U.S.,” Mr. Ford said. He added that the federal government has to scrap C-69 as well.

Mr. Moe, along with his fellow Western premiers, has been pushing a “port to port” corridor in Western Canada to open up the Asian and European markets.

“Credit to Prime Minister Carney. I think he is aware that there’s, you know, a feeling of alienation in certain areas of the nation,” Mr. Moe said.

As trade uncertainty clouds the economic outlook for Canada, the federal and provincial governments have stressed the urgency of bolstering the country’s economic independence by boosting internal trade, beefing up infrastructure and leaning into the natural resources sector.

But not all premiers appear to be on the same page.

B.C. Premier David Eby on Saturday called Alberta’s demands “very predictable” and said a proposal for a new pipeline currently does not exist.

“If, finally, a project is proposed and financed, whether private or public, we’ll cross that bridge when we come to it,” said Mr. Eby, who stressed that he wants to focus on collaboration. He is not attending the meeting because he left on a trade mission to Asia on Saturday, but he is sending Deputy Premier Niki Sharma in his place.

Mr. Carney is also expected to brief premiers on legislation that would remove federal barriers to internal trade and fast-track approvals for projects of national interest so that they would be given the greenlight within two years. It would also allow the federal government to modify regulatory requirements on all projects deemed to be in the national interest.

However, the proposed “One Canadian Economy” legislation has been met with backlash from Indigenous communities, which were given one week to provide feedback on the bill, over concerns that it could infringe on their constitutional right to be consulted on such projects.

“We totally oppose this ‘fasttracking’ approach to development on our homelands as it ignores our jurisdiction, our Treaty rights and our interests,” Neskantaga Chief Gary Quisess wrote in a letter to Mr. Carney.

Audrey Champoux, a spokesperson from the Prime Minister’s Office, told The Globe and Mail that some Indigenous groups were invited to a closed-door reception on Sunday ahead of the first ministers meeting. However, the PMO would not confirm which groups would be in attendance.

Provincial bills in British Columbia and Ontario aimed at speeding up natural resource projects have also been criticized by Indigenous communities, which say they were not consulted on these pieces of legislation.

In response, B.C. has pledged to include a requirement for projects to receive approval from affected First Nations in the regulations of Bill 15, which would give the provincial government sweeping powers to expedite infrastructure projects. Ontario is amending its proposed legislation to reaffirm its constitutional obligation to consult First Nations, but the bill still faces heavy opposition.

Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew said last week that governments should take the time to engage Indigenous communities on projects.

Canadian energy is a secret bargain, and a hostile takeover bid in the oil sands is no surprise

This article was written by Tim Kiladze and was published in the Globe & Mail on May 24, 2025.

A pump jack is pictured near Claresholm, Alta., in January. Canada has long-life oil reserves, while shale oil wells in the United States are starting to run dry.

Panic over U.S. President Donald Trump’s global trade war and unexpected production bumps from countries outside North America have sent oil prices plummeting, making investors fear a 2014-style crash all over again.

Adjusting for inflation, the current price of West Texas Intermediate crude, the North American benchmark, is hovering around US$45. The last time it fell to this level, a decade ago, it spelled disaster for Canadian producers – and for the economy.

But this is not 2014. After years of painful restructuring, the Canadian oil industry is much stronger today, and some producers are now so resilient that they’ve earned the right to brag.

“The discipline today is night-and-day different,” Jeremy McCrea, an energy analyst at BMO Nesbitt Burns, said in an interview. The new era is defined by cost constraint, an aversion to debt and a promise to return excess cash to shareholders instead of spending it on endless expansion.

There is also a growing global appetite for natural gas, which is seen as a logical fuel source for AI data centres, and an increasing likelihood that Canada will build more export plants sourced by low-cost gas from the Montney formation in northeast British Columbia. In short, Canada’s energy sector is sitting pretty.

Yet with more than half of the S&P/TSX Capped Energy subindex trading below their September, 2014, prices, investors aren’t ready to admit it yet. Producers, however, see opportunity, which explains why Strathcona Resources Ltd. launched a hostile takeover bid for MEG Energy Corp., one of the few pure-play companies focused on the Canadian oil sands.

MEG runs a low-cost oil sands operation at Christina Lake, earned $507-million in profit last year and recently paid down a good chunk of its debt early, yet its shares have been trading roughly 45 per cent below their September, 2014, level.

It’s an odd scenario because the industry looked quite different before the 2014 crash. Costs were bloated, everyone was taking on debt to expand and oil and gas companies were treated as growth stocks. Then Saudi Arabia shocked the market with plans to boost production and the growth bubble burst.

“No one wants to go back to that ever again,” said Mr. McCrea, the BMO analyst.

It wasn’t just negligence from the producers. As investment in the oil sands exploded, the U.S. energy industry went through a revolution and new technology – fracking – unlocked oil and gas reserves that previously weren’t accessible. The U.S. quickly went from being Canada’s largest export market to its top competitor.

Around the same time, the ESG era that promoted environmental, societal and governance concerns took hold, putting a spotlight on oil sands emissions. Canada also struggled to get a pipeline or LNG plant built to export its energy beyond the U.S.

What snapped Canadian energy out of its seven-year rut was Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February, 2022, which put an international focus on energy security. For the next few years, Canadian producers were akin to malfunctioning ATMs, spitting out cash as oil and gas prices soared.

Things have since settled down, but many companies are still quite profitable even as oil prices fall. Suncor Energy Inc., for instance, has pledged to cut production costs and in 2024 the company beat its US$4 target per barrel, lowering expenses by US$7 per barrel.

The sector’s debt load also continues to improve. Cenovus Energy Inc. has been hampered by leverage concerns for years, but in March Moody’s Investors Service upgraded its debt rating to ‘Baa1’ – the same level as industry darling Canadian Natural Resources Ltd. – citing the company’s “commitment to a conservative financial policy,” among other things.

Summarizing this new-look Canadian industry, Mark Oberstoetter, head of research for upstream companies at energy consultancy Wood Mackenzie, offered this comparison: Since 2014, “everyone’s been working out, but Canada has been training with a weighted vest.”

Adding to the bull case: Canada has long-life oil reserves, meanwhile U.S. shale oil wells are starting to run dry, and the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion is now up and running. Because more oil can be moved to the West Coast for export, the price differential between Canadian heavy crude, known as Western Canadian Select and West Texas Intermediate oil, is now around only US$12, because more Canadian oil can be exported abroad from the West Coast.

Previously, it would get trapped in Canada and the supply glut would hurt domestic prices. WTI oil could drop US$20 per barrel, and the Canadian differential could drop another US$20.

Despite all that, investors aren’t convinced. Cenovus got a debt rating upgrade, and its shares are down 31.7 per cent over the past year.

Part of what’s still missing, explained Benoit Gervais, head of the resource team at Mackenzie Investments, is policy certainty. Investors can’t get too excited about Canadian energy if new export projects never get built.

“Mark Carney really needs to be careful with his first move,” he said. If the new Prime Minister isn’t clear about his energy agenda, and the permanency of it, “we won’t attract a meaningful amount of capital. It’s pretty simple.”

To that end, the new federal Minister of Energy and Natural Resources, Tim Hodgson, who used to sit on MEG’s board of directors, delivered a speech in Calgary on Friday and had a clear message: Canada will remain a reliable global supplier of oil and gas for decades to come.

“No more asking, ‘Why build?’ ” he said. “The real question is, ‘How do we get it done?’ ”

Uncertainty sees Canadian crude shift to China

This opinion was written by Clyde Russell and was published in the Globe & Mail on May 23, 2025.

A pumpjack draws out oil and gas from a well head near Calgary on May 6. For the first time ever Canada exported more seaborne crude to China (299,000 barrels a day) in April than it did to the United States (286,000 b/d).

Commodity markets are adjusting to Trump’s actions, the possibility of future moves

If there is a law of unintended consequences, then a good example is how commodity markets are adjusting to both the realities and the perceived threats of the tariff war launched by U.S. President Donald Trump. Mr. Trump’s trade and tariff measures have forced commodity producers, traders and buyers to rethink long-established relationships, adapt to emerging realities and try to predict what may happen.

What is becoming clear is that commodity markets are adjusting not only to actual measures imposed by the Trump administration, but also to the possibility of future actions, which has created a desire to limit exposure to the United States.

An example of this is seaborne exports of crude oil from Canada, which have shifted away from the United States and toward China, even though Mr. Trump backed away from his initial plan to impose a 10per-cent tariff on energy imports from Canada.

For the first time ever Canada exported more seaborne crude to China in April than it did to the United States, showing how market dynamics can move amid the uncertainty created by Mr. Trump’s trade war.

Canada’s seaborne exports of crude to China were 299,000 barrels a day (b/d) in April, up from 277,000 b/d in March, according to data compiled by commodity analysts Kpler.

Seaborne shipments to the United States were 286,000 b/d in April, roughly in line with March’s 283,000 b/d but down from the record of 431,000 b/d in September last year.

To be sure, the above numbers reflect only oil moved by vessels and don’t account for the far larger flows of Canadian crude into the United States via pipeline and rail.

Canada sends about four million b/d of crude to its southern neighbour via pipelines, and while the volumes have been steady, prices have shifted in Canada’s favour, reflecting another unintended consequence of Mr. Trump’s often chaotic policies.

The discount of Western Canadian Select crude to U.S. West Texas Intermediate has narrowed to the lowest in about 4½ years at just over US$9 a barrel, dropping from levels closer to US$30 as recently as November.

This reflects another dynamic that Mr. Trump probably didn’t expect, as his sanctions on Venezuelan oil, which like Canadian crude is heavy, reduced the amount of this grade available to U.S. refiners.

This means that Canadian crude is more in demand in the United States, and U.S. refiners are having to pay more.

The rising price for Canadian crude brings into question the view that Canada was far more dependent on the United States than vice versa.

It now seems that the United States is actually quite dependent on Canadian crude, especially if Mr. Trump has limited the suitable alternatives with sanctions.

The advantage also seems to be with Canada when it comes to seaborne exports.

Canada has lifted its seaborne crude exports since the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion came on line in May last year, which increased its capacity to 890,000 b/d.

It has been expected that the bulk of this oil would be shipped to refiners on the U.S. West Coast, and initially that is how it played out.

But once Mr. Trump returned to the White House in late January and upped both his rhetoric and actions against his northern neighbour and erstwhile close ally, Canada’s seaborne oil flows have shifted.

Even though Mr. Trump backed down on imposing any tariff on energy imports from Canada, the damage has largely been done, with Canadian oil producers keen to develop alternative markets.

Hence the interest in China, the world’s biggest oil importer, which has also been keen to increase the diversity of its suppliers in a bid to lessen its dependence on oil from the OPEC+ group of exporters.

China has also effectively halted importing crude from the United States amid the escalation in tariffs imposed by Washington and Beijing since Mr. Trump’s return.

While those tariffs have been lowered for a 90-day period to allow for talks, China is still imposing a 10-per-cent levy on U.S. oil imports, which is high enough to render U.S. oil uncompetitive in China.

No U.S. crude is scheduled to arrive in China in May and June, according to Kpler, while as recently as June last year China imported 417,000 b/d from the United States.

It’s not that China is replacing U.S. crude with Canadian, as they are different grades. It’s that China is being dynamic in its oil trade, and is finding willing partners such as Canada.