To truly improve transit, we need more sub­ways

In the 2010s, Rob Ford's idea of “subways, subways, subways!” was anathema to progressives, transit advocate Reece Martin writes, but for transit to be rapid, it has to get off the roads.

This article was written by Reece Martin and was published in the Toronto Star on January 3, 2026.

Pub­lic transit in Toronto feels slower than it’s ever been.

The street­cars have crawled along since we bought new vehicles without learn­ing any new oper­a­tional tricks. The sub­way is still in a state of con­stant slow zones, includ­ing along Allen Road where the tra­di­tion of sub­ways zip­ping past cars has been reversed. And even the not­par­tic­u­larly­fast buses are get­ting stuck in ever­worsen­ing con­ges­tion.

And then a few weeks ago, Toronto opened the mult­i­bil­lion­dol­lar Finch West light rail line and man­aged to make it not only slower than the buses it replaced, but also most half­decent jog­gers.

For­tu­nately, the crisis has not gone to waste. The mayor and TTC chair have launched into a blitz of motions and moves to not only try to fix the defi­cien­cies on Finch, but also to cap­it­al­ize on this moment to fix the same set of issues on the down­town street­cars. It’s been a rare pos­it­ive moment of polit­ical lead­er­ship and impro­visa­tion.

But at some point, once the dust settles, there’s an uncom­fort­able truth we’ll need to grapple with: Even with sig­nal pri­or­ity — as well as things we aren’t likely to do like insti­tute fewer stops — transit run­ning on or next to the street is just never going to be truly rapid.

The choice of what kind of transit to build became highly politi­cized in the 2010s, par­tic­u­larly with Rob Ford’s man­tra of “sub­ways, sub­ways, sub­ways!”

But the real­ity is that road­based transit is the equi­val­ent of our local roads, and transit still needs its high­ways.

I recently was on Bloor at a hol­i­day party, and upon open­ing Google Maps to see my travel time to get home to Scar­bor­ough on transit, my jaw dropped at the hour­and­ahalf travel time. Were we to hop in a car, I could have got­ten to Niagara Falls in that time, or just home in half that time. This is ulti­mately what cre­ates con­ges­tion and keeps people off transit: driv­ing is so often dra­mat­ic­ally faster than what’s sup­posed to be “the bet­ter way.”

The Transit City plan that birthed Finch West and also envi­sioned the Eglin­ton Crosstown wanted to “improve” my trip to Scar­bor­ough, mak­ing sure that the bus part of my jour­ney was now on a snazzy­street­car like we’ve now opened on Finch. This is still the play­book that’s shap­ing transit decision mak­ing at the city of Toronto, even though the city’s own stud­ies show the Eglin­ton East LRT would be slower than the express buses run­ning on Eglin­ton today; and yet the project is one of the city’s top transit pri­or­it­ies.

The real­ity is that to actu­ally achieve rapid transit, you need to have transit that isn’t chained to the road net­work.

This not only means never wait­ing for a traffic light and going through urban areas at 80 kilo­metres an hour or faster, but maybe even cut­ting across the street grid in diag­on­als.

The sub­ways being delivered by the province would actu­ally prob­ably shave 15 to 20 minutes off of my trip and those of tens of thou­sands of oth­ers if they were open today, and they are only being accep­ted begrudgingly. New GO sta­tions under the “SmartTrack” pro­gram are being treated like they are exclus­ively for the use of rich 905 com­muters, but had they all been open, my trip home could have been done in just 30 minutes — a third of the time it actu­ally took.

The sub­ways are com­ing, and more GO train ser­vice and sta­tions are com­ing, too, but we need to lean into this transit­build­ing renais­sance. There need to be more GO lines and more trains on them to more places, and addi­tional sta­tions to provide access to more neigh­bour­hoods. The sub­way net­work needs to expand fur­ther, with branches to other outly­ing areas, exten­sions, and more lines in the cent­ral city.

Achiev­ing this means chan­ging the way we do things. Toronto cur­rently has among the most expens­ive transit projects in the world — the Finch LRT has cost more than the Shep­pard sub­way. Tack­ling these costs isn’t straight­for­ward, but a start would be to stop think­ing that trains have to be under­ground. People rave about the Lon­don Under­ground, but more than half of that sys­tem is actu­ally above the ground — via­ducts, embank­ments and cut­tings might remind people that transit actu­ally exists, and they also let cit­ies afford transit. If we can change the way we do things, lay out some nation­build­ing projects for the nation’s largest city, and get build­ing, we could finally have a transit sys­tem to be proud of — and yes, that means sub­ways, sub­ways, sub­ways.

Tesla used bot to claim EV rebates

Fed­eral invest­ig­a­tion clears car­maker of wrong­do­ing after anger over sub­sidies

This article was written by Marco Chown Oved and was published in the Toronto Star on September 19, 2025.

Fed­eral invest­ig­a­tion clears car­maker of wrong­do­ing after anger over sub­sidies

Tesla used an auto­mated sys­tem to make a run on the bank of Canada’s dwind­ling EV sub­sidies, out­man­oeuv­ring Cana­dian deal­er­ships that filed claims manu­ally and were left short mil­lions of dol­lars, the Star has learned.

In Janu­ary, when Ott­awa announced that funds were run­ning low in its elec­tric vehicle rebate pro­gram, it sparked an “unpre­ced­en­ted surge” as the Amer­ican EV giant filed more than 8,600 rebate claims over the next 72 hours, a rate of more than two per minute, around the clock.

When the Star broke the story in March, it sparked out­rage at the idea that Tesla could have sold so many cars over a single week­end and promp­ted then min­is­ter of trans­port Chrys­tia Free­land to freeze pay­outs pending an audit of each claim.

The res­ult­ing invest­ig­a­tion into Tesla’s con­duct, obtained by the Star, cleared the com­pany of wrong­do­ing and found the cars weren’t actu­ally sold dur­ing that last week­end.

Instead, the invest­ig­a­tion found the com­pany employed a robot to file a batch of back claims for cars sold months and even years before­hand.

“Since early in the iZEV Pro­gram, Tesla Motors Canada has used a tool that allows for (an) accel­er­ate(d) sub­mis­sion of claims, and cor­res­pond­ingly, they have sub­mit­ted

claims at a faster rate than other deal­er­ships,” states a memo to the deputy min­is­ter of trans­port sum­mar­iz­ing the res­ults of the invest­ig­a­tion, obtained via access­to­inform­a­tion legis­la­tion.

“Tesla is the only author­ized seller who sub­mits claims in bulk.”

The Trans­port Canada invest­ig­a­tion found Tesla’s claims covered EVs delivered to cus­tom­ers as far back as Oct. 14, 2022, and as late as Jan. 30, 2025, nearly three weeks after the iZEV pro­gram shuttered.

In all, Tesla claimed $43.1 mil­lion in rebates over the three­day period, “sig­ni­fic­antly con­trib­ut­ing to the surge,” the memo states.

Tesla accoun­ted for 89 per cent of all funds claimed dur­ing the final week­end.

“The num­ber of claims sub­mit­ted by Tesla over two days just before the pro­gram pause has gen­er­ated pub­lic and industry cri­ti­cism. The pub­lic may not under­stand how Tesla Motors Canada could claim such a high volume of incent­ives between the pause announce­ment and the pause itself,” states the memo.

“It’s import­ant to cla­rify that, while media­repor­ted fig­ures are accur­ate … the data has been mis­in­ter­preted. The term `sub­mit­ted’ does not indic­ate that the vehicles were sold on that spe­cific day. Rather, `sub­mit­ted’ refers to the date on which the requests were entered into the iZEV portal, which may not align with the actual date of the deliv­ery of the vehicles.”

The con­fu­sion was com­poun­ded by pro­gram rules on Trans­port Canada’s web­site that stated deal­er­ships “must” file claims before deliv­ery to the cus­tomer. In prac­tice, this rule was not enforced and back­fil­ing for EVs that had already been shipped out was com­mon prac­tice across the industry.

Tesla’s claims for EVs sold nearly two­and­a­half years prior were approved because “the vehicles were delivered dur­ing the eli­gible period of the iZEV Pro­gram (before the pro­gram paused)” on Jan. 12, the memo states. The Teslas delivered after that date were deemed eli­gible because “those vehicles were pre­approved before Jan. 12, 2025, but delivered after­wards.”

Tesla and Trans­port Canada did not respond to emailed ques­tions for this story.

The Monday morn­ing fol­low­ing the pro­gram’s pause, when hun­dreds of inde­pend­ently owned Cana­dian car deal­er­ships attemp­ted to file for reim­burse­ment of rebates they had given cus­tom­ers, they found the online portal had been deac­tiv­ated weeks ahead of sched­ule, leav­ing them out of pocket an estim­ated $10 mil­lion.

They were out­raged that the fed­eral gov­ern­ment had cut them off while tens of mil­lions of tax­payer dol­lars flowed to Tesla, which is run by CEO Elon Musk, who was a key fig­ure in U.S. Pres­id­ent Don­ald Trump’s White House as it waged a trade war against Canada.

In July, Ott­awa reopened the iZEV claims portal and pledged that deal­er­ships would be made whole. At the time, those deal­ers were told they could not sub­mit claims for EVs delivered after the pro­gram ended on Jan. 12.

News that Tesla received reim­burse­ment for rebates on cars delivered after the pro­gram ended will not be well received by EV buy­ers, many of whom didn’t receive their expec­ted rebates because their vehicles weren’t delivered on time.

“They’re pro­tect­ing the deal­er­ships but not the people who were sup­posed to bene­fit from the EV pro­gram,” said Sher­ine Young, who didn’t get the rebate after order­ing an EV in 2024 and receiv­ing it in April this year.

“They should be hon­our­ing when you actu­ally pur­chased the vehicle because that was within the pro­gram’s time frame,” she told the Star this sum­mer.

As the only elec­tric vehicle dealer to employ a “bulk sub­mis­sion” sys

Cana­dian car deal­ers were out­raged that the fed­eral gov­ern­ment had cut them off while tens of mil­lions of tax­payer dol­lars flowed to Tesla, which is run by CEO Elon Musk, a key fig­ure in U.S. Pres­id­ent Don­ald Trump’s White House as it waged a trade war against Canada

tem, Tesla had over­whelmed the EV rebate sys­tem in the past and had been warned by the fed­eral bur­eau­crats to knock it off.

“Because Tesla didn’t provide upfront noti­fic­a­tion for their bulk sub­mis­sion, it has been dif­fi­cult for the iZEV pro­gram,” states the memo. “The iZEV team met sev­eral times with Tesla Motors Canada to request that they sub­mit on a more reg­u­lar basis and, as a res­ult, reduce the num­ber of claims sub­mit­ted in bulk.”

Nev­er­the­less, the surge in claims was anti­cip­ated by fed­eral bur­eau­crats, who warned their super­i­ors before the pro­gram was wound down that this was likely to occur.

“It is likely that when a pro­gram pause announce­ment is made, the man­u­fac­tur­ers and deal­er­ships will cre­ate a surge of requests … to ensure they receive the reim­burse­ment for the incent­ives they already provided. This may speed up the deple­tion of funds,” states a Decem­ber 2024 memo to then trans­port min­is­ter Anita Anand.

“Many man­u­fac­tur­ers/deal­er­ships do not pro­ceed with the required eli­gib­il­ity assess­ment prior to the deliv­ery of the vehicles (they per­form this step after the deliv­ery, even if instruc­ted to sub­mit before) … As a res­ult, there are many vehicles already delivered for which the funds have not yet been reserved.”

Ford’s mega­tun­nel not a ser­i­ous solu­tion

This article was written by Scott Stinson and was published in the Toronto Star on August 11, 2025.

Doug Ford acknow­ledged last week that the feas­ib­il­ity study for his pro­posed High­way 401 mega­tun­nel wouldn’t be com­plete until 2027 at the earli­est.

The premier didn’t provide an estim­ate as to how much the study would cost, but given the long timeline, it’s bound to be many mil­lions of dol­lars. Whatever the cheque comes to, it will have been a lot of money to be told: “Bad idea.”

It’s hard to know where to start. Build­ing a tun­nel under the 401 is one of those pro­pos­als that’s so trans­par­ently ridicu­lous it should’ve died right after Ford spit­balled the idea, not unlike the giant water­front Fer­ris wheel of his polit­ical youth.

Remem­ber: Ontario is a province that’s cur­rently spend­ing $5 bil­lion on a five­kilo­metre sub­way exten­sion. Back­of­the­nap­kin math sug­gests a 50­kilo­metre tun­nel, one big enough for pub­lic transit and mul­tiple lanes of traffic, would cost at least $50 bil­lion, and prob­ably double that given the extra size.

By com­par­ison, the $200 rebate cheques that the Ford gov­ern­ment cyn­ic­ally sent to every Ontarian as a pre­elec­tion handout cost the treas­ury about $3 bil­lion. If the 401 tun­nel were to cost $100 bil­lion — which still feels like a con­ser­vat­ive estim­ate, con­sid­er­ing the fact that large infra­struc­ture projects nearly always run over budget — it would be the equi­val­ent of mail­ing $6,600 cheques to each of Ontario’s 16 mil­lion res­id­ents.

In other words, this would be insanely costly. Almost any other idea that the premier could dream up (elev­ated road­ways! Super­long buses! Com­muter heli­copters!) would be sig­ni­fic­antly less expens­ive.

Tun­nels are built out of neces­sity alone, to bypass bar­ri­ers such as moun­tains and rivers when there are no altern­at­ive routes, pre­cisely because they are so com­plic­ated and costly. No one brain­storm­ing transit solu­tions jots down “under­ground high­way” as a start­ing point.

Yet Ford remains com­mit­ted to his tun­nel concept, say­ing “it is hap­pen­ing” even while admit­ting the feas­ib­il­ity study is years away from com­ple­tion. And every time he men­tions the idea, it sounds more ludicrous. In dis­cuss­ing the tun­nel recently, the premier said the basic plan would include one lane of vehicu­lar traffic in either dir­ec­tion, plus a sep­ar­ate level for undefined “transit.”

Leav­ing the incred­ible cost aside, how could any­one think that the addi­tion of a single lane of traffic each way would have any mean­ing­ful impact on the crush­ing grid­lock of the 401, a high­way that at some points is already 18 lanes wide? Even if there were a magical traffic fairy who could some­how stretch the 401 out to 20 lanes at its busiest points, does any­one believe traffic would sud­denly start mov­ing smoothly? You don’t need to have stud­ied the concept of induced demand to know that more drivers would cram more vehicles into the extra lanes, slow­ing things down almost imme­di­ately.

Mean­while, what hap­pens when there’s a col­li­sion in Ford’s megatun­nel? With just one lane of traffic going each dir­ec­tion, even a stalled car or blown tire could poten­tially res­ult in a 50­kilo­metre tube of stuck traffic.

How could any­one think that the addi­tion of a single lane of traffic each way would have any mean­ing­ful impact on the crush­ing grid­lock of the 401, a high­way that at some points is already 18 lanes wide?

And if the idea were to con­struct dozens of entrance and exit points to avoid such a scen­ario, how much more dis­rupt­ive would that be to the already­busy sur­face routes along the high­way?

Short­term traffic head­aches would be accept­able, of course, if the end res­ult were to have a mean­ing­ful impact on grid­lock. Sub­ways are dif­fi­cult and costly to build, but at least they move a high volume of pas­sen­gers effi­ciently once oper­a­tional. A tun­nel full of single­occu­pant vehicles would be the lit­eral oppos­ite of that.

Unfor­tu­nately, that’s the mode of trans­port­a­tion Ford is determ­ined to pri­or­it­ize above all oth­ers, even if it takes bil­lions of tax­payer dol­lars and a massive, unwork­able tun­nel to do so. The least effi­cient solu­tion. The highest pos­sible cost. How is this still being taken ser­i­ously?

Deal­ers have one month to file EV rebate claims

This article was written by Nick Murray and was published in the Toronto Star on July 12, 2025.

Car deal­er­ships who were on the hook for thou­sands of dol­lars in elec­tric vehicle rebates will have a month to make a claim to get their money back.

Trans­port Canada laid out the details in a call Fri­day with deal­er­ships. The depart­ment indic­ated any vehicle that was delivered before the pro­gram paused on Jan. 12 will be eli­gible for reim­burse­ment.

The Cana­dian Auto­mobile Deal­ers Asso­ci­ation wel­comed the news. It estim­ates that its 3,500 mem­bers are owed about $11 mil­lion for rebates on vehicles they had already sold to cus­tom­ers — rebates the deal­ers didn’t claim from the fed­eral gov­ern­ment before Ott­awa said the rebate pro­gram had run out of money.

“I had deal­ers call­ing imme­di­ately after (Trans­port Canada’s brief­ing) who were very emo­tional on the phone, who have been wor­ried about this, because this has had a huge impact on their cash flow,” said Huw Wil­li­ams, the organ­iz­a­tion’s pub­lic affairs dir­ector.

“It was quite emo­tional on the other side to hear deal­ers are going to get paid because not every man­u­fac­turer covered their dealer or sup­por­ted their deal­ers.”

Deal­er­ships will only be allowed to file a max­imum of 25 claims per day, which Wil­li­ams said will more than cover the short­fall.

Trans­port Canada also said any vehicle that was pur­chased before the Jan. 12 cutoff date but delivered to the cus­tomer after that point won’t be eli­gible for reim­burse­ment.

“The cutoff date is something we’ll be dis­cuss­ing with Trans­port Canada,” Wil­li­ams said.

“We’ll have to see how big that prob­lem is and whether that can be resolved. But for the moment, this is a win for deal­ers.”

In Janu­ary, Trans­port Canada paused its pop­u­lar Incent­ives for Zero­Emis­sion Vehicles pro­gram after its fund­ing ran out.

The pro­gram provided up to $5,000 toward the pur­chase of a new zero ­emis­sions vehicle. But with the abrupt sus­pen­sion of the pro­gram — only three days after the gov­ern­ment sug­ges­ted it would be paused when the funds were exhausted — hun­dreds of deal­er­ships were forced to swal­low the cost of any rebate claims they hadn’t yet sub­mit­ted.

Scott Stin­son and Anna Fitzpatrick on how bike lanes fire up debates

A few bike lanes won’t change how deeply ingrained our car habits have become in Toronto

A cyclist rides in a bike lane on University Avenue last December.

This article was written by Scott Stinson and was published in the Toronto Star on May 24, 2025.

The Ontario premier’s budget, announced last week, includes a pledge to rip out even more bike lanes in Toronto, bey­ond those already planned and which are presently mired in a legal dis­pute. Ford has defen­ded the costly removal of exist­ing bike infra­struc­ture by say­ing he doesn’t oppose such lanes in prin­ciple, but he wants them away from roads that cars use. He some­how ima­gines a bike­lane net­work that weaves through Toronto’s side streets, many of which are already nar­row due to on­street park­ing. It’s an idea that makes almost as much sense as build­ing a tun­nel under High­way 401.

But it’s also, at this point, not at all sur­pris­ing. Ford is so pro­car that if his last name wasn’t already a vehicle brand, you’d almost expect him to change it to one. Bey­ond the bike­lane tear­downs, he will extend the gastax removal into seem­ing per­petu­ity, and will cut the tolls on the pro­vin­cially owned por­tion of High­way 407 east of Toronto.

The elect­oral trick of Ford’s car­first policy is that it’s actu­ally a sub­urbs­first policy. The premier’s vote­win­ning machine does par­tic­u­larly well in the 905, where the car rules.

Liv­ing in a sub­urb just north of Toronto, as I do, it’s easy to see the dis­con­nect between what is gen­er­ally con­sidered sound transit and trans­port­a­tion policy and what actu­ally hap­pens.

There are GO Trains in and out of the city, but they are slow and stop so many times that com­muters instead wrestle daily with the ques­tion of leav­ing early in a car to beat traffic or set­tling in for the long train ride. The city of Markham claims an extens­ive bike­lane net­work, but the vast major­ity of such lanes are just lines painted on exist­ing roads, not sep­ar­ated from vehicle traffic. And every week­day, the main roads in and out of Toronto swell with cars and trucks dur­ing rush hour as drivers opt for the wildly inef­fi­cient stop­andgo of city streets over the even­more­frus­trat­ing slow crawl of the Don Val­ley Park­way.

As much as I can appre­ci­ate the evid­ence for bike lanes or other non­car trans­port­a­tion modes that have been suc­cess­fully imple­men­ted in densely pop­u­lated European cit­ies, I can’t pre­tend that any of my neigh­bours would con­sider a bicycle an actual com­mut­ing option even if an ideal route exis­ted. A 30­kilo­metre bike to work would make for an awfully sweaty day.

Which is, from a transit­policy stand­point, a prob­lem. The sub­urbs of Toronto, and throughout the coun­try, already exist. The dens­ity of old Europe was fore­gone for wide streets and two­car gar­ages. The urban centre has long since sprawled. And as a res­ult, there is a huge con­stitu­ency of voters for whom car travel is simply a way of life.

More than 20 years ago, Markham cre­ated a new neigh­bour­hood, Cor­nell, where homes had lane­ways with back­yard gar­ages, and there was more park and retail space. The idea was a more loc­al­ized com­munity, where res­id­ents could walk and shop and not have to get in the car and drive to the mall or the big­box store. People still drove to the mall. Even­tu­ally, a Wal­mart was built nearby.

It’s not even clear that a con­cer­ted effort to de­pri­or­it­ize the car in the sub­urbs would work, so ingrained are the habits. A Vespa dealer opened on Markham’s old Main Street some years ago, selling the motor­ized scoot­ers com­mon in Europe. It seemed an odd fit: was someone really going to take that thing to Home Depot and park next to the Escal­ades and the Exped­i­tions? It would be like a poodle among ele­phants. The dealer didn’t last long.

There is, as it hap­pens, a real­world solu­tion to con­ges­tion play­ing out now in New York City, where new tolls on vehicles in and out of Man­hat­tan have reduced traffic and sped up pub­lic transit. Would Doug Ford ever con­sider such a plan? Not on your life. And to be fair to him, there’s no evid­ence his rivals would, either. The Lib­er­als backed away from road tolls and even the NDP cam­paigned on remov­ing them from the 407.

The sub­urbs want their roads to be free. Even if that only means more people will use them.

Toronto grew up around its street­car lines, but the sys­tem has long been in decline. Can it now offer a solu­tion to the city’s transit woes?

They helped the city grow. And they could now help ease its con­ges­tion, experts say

Today's streetcar routes mostly share the road with cars, which can leave them paralyzed in traffic.

This article was written by Andy Takagi and was published in the Toronto Star on March 16, 2025.

“The street­car could be shap­ing our future Queen Streets, Dun­das Streets and Col­lege Streets, where people want to live, work and be part of the city.”

LAURENCE LUI TTC HEAD

“Street­cars carry more people, more con­sist­ently, faster, more evenly. It feels bet­ter. Get­ting rid of the street­car is just talk­ing about mak­ing the city smal­ler (and) worse.”

SHOSHANNA SAXE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO CIVIL ENGINEERING

The ding­ding of a street­car means something dif­fer­ent to every Toronto­n­ian.

For Laurence Lui, it evokes memor­ies of night­time rides on the clas­sic street­cars, dur­ing which the TTC worker watched the spark­ling streets of the city go by. For Shoshanna Saxe, it’s a reminder of chug­ging along the smooth metal tracks that car­ried the civil engin­eer­ing pro­fessor to school as a child. For Steve Munro, it’s the soundtrack of a transit enthu­si­ast first learn­ing the city’s wind­ing streets.

For oth­ers, the famil­iar sound brings irrit­a­tion and out­right anger, the noise punc­tu­at­ing inter­rup­ted com­mutes and inter­min­able delays. To name only a few recent examples: a garbage truck derail­ing the com­mute of tens of thou­sands for most of a week after clip­ping street­car wires at King and Spad­ina. Or, over the span of 10 hours, 23 cars block­ing street­cars throughout the city as Toronto reeled from con­sec­ut­ive snowstorms last month.

It could also be, some experts con­tend, the sound of a solu­tion com­ing to whisk away Toronto’s para­lyz­ing con­ges­tion — that is, if we put faith, and money, back into a Toronto trans­port­a­tion sys­tem that has been on the decline for dec­ades.

“Fun­da­ment­ally, as a city, we grew up around the street­car,” said Lui, the TTC’s head of ser­vice plan­ning and schedul­ing.

“The street­car could be shap­ing our future Queen Streets, Dun­das Streets and Col­lege Streets, where people want to live, work and be part of the city.”

A past per­former

While the street­car has per­sisted, it hasn’t always thrived. Rider­ship for street­cars has yet to rebound to pre­pan­demic levels and lags behind buses and the sub­way lines. Although still some of the city’s busiest routes, the dozens of street­car lines that the city had at its peak in the 1920s have been whittled down to just 18. The net­work has taken a back seat to the needs of the sub­ways and the shiny new Ontario Line, all while becom­ing a tar­get of drivers who blame street­cars for gum­ming up the roads and cyc­lists whose tires can get caught in the tracks.

More than a hun­dred years ago, street­cars had the road to them­selves. Toronto­n­ians were fer­ried through the city by horse­drawn street­cars. Those hoof­trod­den paths were later embed­ded into paved roads with tracks made to Toronto’s unique rail gauge — routes sprawl­ing across the city from end to end to end. Through two world wars and just as many once­in­a­life­time pan­dem­ics, the street­car has cemen­ted itself into Toronto.

In 1861, Canada was still six years from Con­fed­er­a­tion. And Toronto had just got its first street­car. The first two routes were horse­drawn, clip­clop­ping north­south on Yonge Street and east­west on Queen Street. The city thrived along the routes — over time, the Yonge street­car con­nec­ted res­id­ents to Eaton’s and Maple Leaf Gar­dens. The Queen street­car route ser­viced a row of gro­cers, tail­ors, black­smiths and mil­liners — busi­nesses that in turn ser­viced grow­ing res­id­en­tial neigh­bour­hoods.

The sys­tem peaked in the 1920s as a web of inter­con­nec­ted tracks embed­ded in con­crete that sprawled into the out­skirts of the city, sup­port­ing street­cars run­ning all the way out to Port Credit in the west, Scar­bor­ough in the east and Sut­ton in the north.

Battle for the roads

But everything changed after the war. Toronto’s first sub­way, the Yonge line, was opened in 1954. Trol­ley buses became more wide­spread and Metro Toronto was cre­ated, massively expand­ing the area the TTC was meant to ser­vice.

After the first sub­ways began run­ning — and as more people could afford cars — the street­car went into decline. The Uni­versity sub­way was tun­nelled and street­car routes were aban­doned throughout the city over the sub­sequent dec­ades. Net­works on Har­bord, Dupont, Par­lia­ment and Cox­well were all aban­doned in favour of buses or the new Bloor sub­way line.

A sim­ilar scene was play­ing out throughout North Amer­ica, in cit­ies from Los Angeles to Boston, where buses and sub­ways gained favour over the street­car — and street­cars had to battle with cars for road space. By the 1970s, it seemed all but inev­it­able that the street­car would be going extinct here, too.

And it almost did. The TTC was plan­ning to aban­don the rest of the city’s street­car lines by the 1980s, until a transit advocacy group, Street­cars for Toronto, suc­cess­fully lob­bied to save the remain­ing routes in the city, arguing that street­cars offered a smoother ride, and were quieter and more costef­fi­cient than buses.

In 1972, even as the TTC was con­sid­er­ing phas­ing out street­cars on some routes, the agency’s gen­eral man­ager called them “pound for pound … the best transit vehicle ever pro­duced.”

But it was too late. The decline of the street­car was death by a thou­sand ser­vice cuts, said Steve Munro, a transit advoc­ate and mem­ber of Street­cars for Toronto,

“The level of ser­vice on the street­car lines in the city was con­sid­er­ably bet­ter than it is today. There were lines that had double the ser­vice they have today,” Munro said. A “little cut here and a little cut there” have driven riders away, he said.

As cars became more pop­u­lar, an “imbal­ance” was cre­ated on the roads, between the street­car that can carry 130 pas­sen­gers, and a car that might carry only one.

A Toronto icon

Des­pite the erosion of routes in the city, the street­car has remained at the heart of Toronto’s cul­tural iden­tity. The street­car has moved count­less Toronto­n­ians, been a place for “meet­cutes” and, on occa­sion, for overly pub­lic dis­plays of affec­tion. It’s a must­see sight for tour­ists and loved by transit enthu­si­asts — the expans­ive win­dows and smooth ride are known by most who have spent even a day down­town. Even non­human Toronto­n­ians take it: dogs, cats — and, of course, rac­coons.

Still, there are prob­lems. With a few excep­tions, most street­car routes share the road with cars, which can leave transit lines para­lyzed in traffic — a scene that played out most recently on King Street, but is reg­u­larly seen throughout the city where cars and street­cars battle for pri­or­ity. And while the King Street pilot was shown to move people more effi­ciently, with pri­or­ity sig­nalling and traffic enforce­ment agents, it all depends on drivers com­ply­ing with the rules of the road.

Get­ting rid of or redu­cing the num­ber of street­cars, as Toronto inten­ded to do in the 1970s, isn’t the solu­tion to eas­ing con­ges­tion, said Saxe, a Uni­versity of Toronto pro­fessor in civil engin­eer­ing and the Canada Research Chair in sus­tain­able infra­struc­ture. Instead, it’s giv­ing back more of the road to transit, like street­cars and buses, to move more Toronto­n­ians.

“Street­cars carry more people, more con­sist­ently, faster, more evenly. It feels bet­ter,” Saxe said. “Get­ting rid of the street­car is just talk­ing about mak­ing the city smal­ler (and) worse.”

Lui agreed, emphas­iz­ing the import­ant role the street­car con­tin­ues to play as part of the city’s transit net­work.

“If one street­car is car­ry­ing close to 200 people when it’s full, ima­gine if that was four or five buses and what that would mean in terms of con­ges­tion levels,” Lui said.

A future solu­tion?

In the short term, the city’s transit solu­tions lie in the realm of buses and bike lanes, Saxe said — “things that we can do this dec­ade to make (transit) bet­ter.”

That longer ­term future includes light rail transit (LRT), which, depend­ing on who you ask, is essen­tially the same as a street­car. (Oth­ers argue that LRTs have dis­tinct fea­tures, like right­ of­ ways and more dis­tance between stops.) On top of the long ­awaited, and long ­delayed, Eglin­ton Crosstown and Finch West LRTs, the city has plans for an Eglin­ton East and Water­front East LRT, both of which remain in the design stage without long­term fund­ing.

The prob­lem, as with most ser­vices in the city, is money, Lui said. With the TTC’s exist­ing street­car fleet, he explained, the city could run five­minute ser­vice throughout the city — if it had the money to pay drivers.

All the while, the street­car is one of the TTC’s most prof­it­able modes of transit. Nearly 236,000 Toronto­n­ians take a street­car every week­day, with each car nearly trip­ling the capa­city of a bus. That, and increas­ing rider­ship with bet­ter ser­vice, can help the TTC make a bet­ter argu­ment for pri­or­ity on the roads.

“We’ve had suc­cess cases of that in the past, where we invest in bet­ter ser­vice, bet­ter fre­quency, and people will come,” Lui said.

The King Street pri­or­ity cor­ridor, des­pite its much­maligned flaws, is just one example Lui put for­ward. The 2017 pilot, which was made per­man­ent in 2019, reduced travel times for com­muters along King Street (with the help of traffic agents), even as Ontario Line con­struc­tion poured more traffic into the already con­ges­ted stretch of down­town.

When the roads are backed up and street­cars are blocked, it’s not the street­car that’s at fault, Lui said.

“It’s about how do we pri­or­it­ize our road space and how other road users are using that same street,” he added. When Lui’s transit col­leagues from other North Amer­ican cit­ies come to Toronto, he said they’re “always amazed at how busy our street­cars are, and shocked how little pri­or­ity we get.”

“If we want to reach our goals for a liv­able city, for a city that is to con­tinue to wel­come more hous­ing, wel­come more people, street­cars are far more effect­ive in encour­aging that gentle dens­ity that cre­ates vibrant neigh­bour­hoods,” Lui said.

Will high-speed rail help get Canada’s electric ambitions back on track?

This article was written by Chris Turner and was published in the Globe & Mail on March 1, 2025. Chris Turner’s latest book, How to Be a Climate Optimist: Blueprints for a Better World, won the Shaughnessy Cohen Prize for Political Writing.

ABB and CP Rail Systems’ X 2000 high-speed train, built as part of a study for high-speed rail in Canada, is pictured in Toronto in July, 1993. High-speed rail in the country is a subject that has been exhaustively researched by various federal governments over the past several decades.

To meet the needs of an increasingly electrified society, Chris Turner writes, Canada’s grids must double or even triple their total generating capacity within a generation

Last week, with the country in the grip of a nationalistic fervour the likes of which Canada hasn’t seen in decades, the federal government announced that it was investing $3.9-billion to begin design work on an all-electric high-speed rail (HSR) line from Toronto to Quebec City. This is merely the first phase in a project that – if completed – would take more than a decade and cost in the tens of billions.

That is, to be sure, a big hairy old if, hanging over the pledge of a government in limbo, with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau having fewer days left on the job than your typical bullet train has passenger cars. Still, this is serious money, a new Crown corporation (called Alto), and a consortium of developers (calling itself “Cadence”) that includes Quebec’s massive investment fund CDPQ, state-owned French rail giant SNCF and Air Canada. And they’ve been tasked to build not the half-measure option of “high-frequency rail” that had long been expected, but bonafide, bullet-train-propelled HSR.

For long-time rail boosters, this was even bigger news than Canada’s victory on the ice in Boston the following day. Is the era of high-speed rail about to arrive – finally – in Canada?

There is no way to ask this question without inviting the hardest of eye rolls. HSR is, after all, a subject so exhaustively researched by various Canadian governments that the Rick Mercer Report once produced a parody commercial about Canada’s leadership in high-speed rail studies, touting the quality of the paper stock and binding sported by the latest report. The parody itself is more than a decade old – even sneering at plans for highspeed rail in this country amounts to a kind of retro-futuristic nostalgia.

But Canadian politics have been steeped in more than enough mean cynicism of late. I’d prefer instead to set aside the many arguments for why this HSR project might never be completed and consider instead why it should be – why Canadians should indeed settle for nothing less. Whether it amounts to “the largest infrastructure project in Canadian history,” as Mr. Trudeau claimed, this new HSR line would certainly be the most significant investment in sustainable long-distance transportation in this country since at least the 1970s.

And it would serve as a powerful symbol of the dawn of a new era in which Canada is again ready to dream big about its national ambitions – and to build the infrastructure essential for success in the turbulent climate of the 21st century.

There is no denying the turbulence – or fully avoiding it. The climate crisis has obliged the fundamental realignment of the entire global economy – including a new energy paradigm the International Energy Agency has dubbed “the Age of Electricity.” Electrified transport powered by clean energy is the essential building block of this new order.

Feeding on all this calamity is an authoritarian politics of nostalgia best exemplified by U.S. President Donald Trump’s absurd lust for tariffs. This may yet prove to be a strange sort of backhanded gift, as it has jolted Canadians with rare speed and unity into taking nation-building and selfreliance more seriously than they have in generations. It’s a perverse opportunity, but one that shouldn’t be squandered.

To properly address this interlocking web of challenges – a “polycrisis,” the political scientists sometimes call it – Canada must embark on an infrastructure building boom without recent precedent. It needs to electrify much of its transport and at least double its electricity production in the next quarter century to meet demand growth and its climate goals. It needs new transmission lines linking provincial grids that have long viewed each other as rivals and the customers to the south as the real prize. It needs abundant new housing that isn’t just affordable but clean-powered and ready to withstand the trials of this century’s altered climate. And it needs real partnerships with Indigenous communities nationwide to earn permission to build it.

Canada needs all of this and more, as fast as it can be built. And, yes, it would benefit enormously from an HSR line from Toronto to Quebec City as the backbone of a new age of electrified transport and a symbol of Canada’s commitment to investing in the best infrastructure of this century and not the last.

I’ll come back to the climate benefits of electrified trains supplanting driving or flying for intercity travel in its most populous region. First, though, let’s simply gawk at the miracle of high-speed rail. I am excessively biased on this subject. I can report firsthand that HSR is quite simply the pinnacle achievement to date in human transportation.

In 2009, I boarded a highspeed train for the first time – an AVE train, run by the Spanish national passenger rail operator Renfe (among the losing bidders on the Alto project). I travelled from Málaga on the Costa del Sol to the centre of Madrid, a journey of about 500 kilometres, essentially the same as the distance between Toronto and Montreal. I was hurtled across the surface of the earth at speeds greater than 300 kilometres an hour. The ride was smooth, even elegant – the reasonable ticket price included a glass of cold sherry with my lunch. A little more than two hours after departing from the coast, I stepped off the train at Madrid’s Puerta de Atocha station in the centre of the city, feeling absolutely certain I had just experienced the best mode of transport ever invented.

Riding a high-speed train is not just a little better than driving, not slightly less hassle than the grind of air travel, not merely a modest improvement over VIA Rail’s existing service. It is epochally better on all fronts, a revelation, something like the huddled masses of the 19th century must have felt as they abandoned rattling horse and wagon over rutted roads for the ease and baffling speed of the first passenger trains. If and when Canada completes its first high-speed line, the unfortunate souls lurching their way down the 401 in their cars will look downright pitiful as train passengers race past them in a blur. They would also boast carbon footprints smaller by a factor of at least five than those drivers behind the wheels of cars still sporting tailpipes.

I don’t want to focus too tightly on statistics – surely a nation’s ambitions amount to more than a few lines on a graph – but there is no shortage of numbers to indicate how Canada is progressing in pursuit of its intertwined climate change and energy transition goals. The country has pledged to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions to 40 per cent below 2005 levels by 2030 and reach net zero by 2050. As of 2022, emissions were down 6.4 per cent. The pace and scale of the transition simply must increase dramatically.

This goes far beyond electric trains, of course – and it’s a question not just of the planet’s health but of Canada’s economic competitiveness. The pace in the global energy transition is already being set elsewhere – by the United States, the European Union and especially China. The Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act provided a massive boost to clean-technology industries from solar panels to carbon capture, creating momentum that will endure regardless of how much of the act Mr. Trump’s wrecking crew attempts to dismantle. The EU, meanwhile, has been a clean-energy pacesetter for decades, with ambitious targets that include netzero electricity as soon as 2035 in seven EU countries (Germany and France among them) and a ban on the sale of vehicles with internal combustion engines by the same date across the entire region. And China has established itself as by far the world’s leading maker and user of clean energy – not just manufacturing more than 80 per cent of the world’s solar panels, for example, but installing more of them each year than the rest of the world combined. (China is also adding more new track to the planet’s largest HSR network each year than the rest of the world combined. Virtually everything about China’s role in the energy transition amounts to more than the rest of the world combined.)

This poses a simple, vital question to Canadians: From fast trains to electric grids, will we find the wherewithal to keep up? The most basic foundations on which a century of progress in the industrialized world were built – its geopolitics, its economic priorities, its primary energy sources – are now being fundamentally realigned. Will Canada act boldly enough to rebuild its own foundations to ensure another century of success?

I spent much of the past year immersed in the analysis of Canada’s position in this new age on the electrification front, assisting the Canada Electricity Advisory Council (CEAC) with the production of its final report. CEAC was an arm’s-length roundtable of electricity experts assembled by Natural Resources Canada to advise the federal government on how to help Canada’s electricity sector chart a path to net-zero emissions. The council’s conclusions are simultaneously encouraging and deeply worrying.

On the upside, Canada has begun its energy transition with an enviable head start – more than 80 per cent of the country’s electricity is already drawn from emissions-free sources, a gift bestowed by its legacy of large-scale hydro and nuclear power generation. And there has been some real effort already to begin building this cleaner economy across the country, from British Columbia’s pioneering net-zero building codes to Atlantic Canada’s enthusiastic embrace of hyperefficient heat pumps for home heating.

But CEAC’s report also noted a troubling lack of sustained national resolve. To meet the needs of an increasingly electrified society, Canada’s grids must double or even triple their total generating capacity within a generation. No jurisdiction in the country is moving at anywhere near that pace, and CEAC warned of a “bottleneck” threatening electrification efforts across the country – Canada ranks second-worst among its peers in the OECD, for example, in the pace of permitting for new construction projects.

The state of rail construction in Canada has emerged as a particularly reliable punchline in infrastructure circles. The Eglinton Crosstown LRT project in Toronto is years late and still not up and running. Ottawa’s newest LRT line seems to break down every time it snows. The minders of provincial transport policy in Alberta have balked at the prospect of digging a single tunnel under a few blocks in downtown Calgary. This is not the stuff of bold national ambitions.

What is Canada working on right now with any real collective resolve that might invite even modest praise in half a century, let alone a grateful nation’s awe at a big dream realized? This was the thought that haunted me as I finished my work with CEAC. It sent me seeking solace in an old movie about the postwar boom – a National Film Board documentary from 1958 called Trans Canada Summer.

The film is one of those postwar homages to technological progress featuring lingering shots of machinery and fastmoving vehicles, an hour-long celebration of the bustling nation being bound together just then by the construction of the Trans-Canada Highway. The narration – by Pierre Berton, no less – sung the praises of brand-new dams in New Brunswick, nuclear research facilities in Ontario, oil rigs in Alberta and timber exports at the Port of Vancouver.

In the film’s time, there had never before been a paved road across the island of Newfoundland and no fixed link between Cape Breton and the Nova Scotia mainland. Building transportation infrastructure across the vast expanse of the Canadian Shield in Northern Ontario and through the Rocky Mountains was not a whole lot easier to achieve in the 1950s than it was when the first transcontinental railway was constructed nearly a century earlier. Berton would write his own three-volume ode to that project not long after the making of Trans Canada Summer, and his narration in the documentary rolled out one of the core themes of his railway trilogy – the sheer improbability of Canada. “We’ll make these varied, separated regions into a nation despite geography,” Berton intones over the film’s final scenes. “We’ll link them – by railroad, by road. We’ll make them one.”

Those varied, separated regions, however, never quite completed the job of becoming one. And the variance and separation that have persisted since have emerged as major obstacles in the pursuit of Canada’s climate and energy goals. But the ground has shifted with astonishing speed in recent weeks. Strengthening those regional connections – by dropping trade barriers, by building interconnections between electricity grids, perhaps by launching a 21st-century rail network – has emerged overnight as an urgent priority. These can seem like daunting chores for a country that struggles to complete even modest transit expansions. But they could also be the components of an inspiring national project.

Last Thanksgiving, I found myself stuck in brutal stop-and-go traffic on Highway 400 coming into Toronto. It gave me ample time to study the billboards the Ontario government has placed at intervals alongside the highway, boasting about the $28-billion it is spending to widen and refurbish highways across the province – tens of billions, that is, simply to maintain the failing, gridlocked status quo. (Ontario’s Premier also seems determined to build some colossal tunnel whose cost would surely dwarf that budget to mirror the mess at the surface.)

There will before long come a moment when another prime minister will have to choose whether to push beyond grand designs and commit to investing tens of billions of taxpayer dollars to make Canada’s first HSR line a reality. I have no doubt many chins will be ponderously scratched over the price tag. Transport Canada once put the figure at $80-billion, which is likely low. It will unquestionably be an unnervingly large number. But consider it in contrast to $28billion just to keep the status quo lurching along Ontario’s highways for another few years. Perhaps triple that in order to build the backbone of the best intercity transport system humanity has ever devised? Seems almost like a bargain.

What would be a reasonable price to pay, after all, to change the way half the country’s population thinks about transport? To assert boldly that Canadians deserve not just another couple of lanes on a clogged highway but the cleanest, most efficient transportation system the world has to offer? To no longer settle for half-measures when it comes to vital infrastructure? To dream as big as we can about a better future? That’s a ticket well worth the cost.

This goes far beyond electric trains, of course – and it’s a question not just of the planet’s health but of Canada’s economic competitiveness. The pace in the global energy transition is already being set elsewhere – by the United States, the European Union and especially China.

A better way to build new public transit

This editorial was written and published by the Globe & Mail on January 27, 2025.

Canada spends vastly more building a kilometre of rail transit than many other countries. It gets less bang for its buck and projects are shrunk to fit budgets, making them less effective. Meanwhile, residents wait impatiently as promised opening dates slip by again and again.

The longer this continues, the more Canada risks losing the social licence to pursue such crucial projects.

This is not an exaggerated concern. The government of Ontario is currently moving forward with a $70-billion expansion of subways and light-rail transit in the Greater Toronto Area. If these projects aren’t done better, it’s hard to see how much longer residents will support the vast cost and grinding disruption of building transit. Which would lead to a disastrous future of even more gridlock, commuter frustration and economic damage.

Unfortunately, warning bells are ringing.

Political meddling has made some projects unnecessarily expensive, such as a light-rail transit (LRT) extension in westend Toronto being buried at huge cost. On Friday, the same day Premier Doug Ford announced a snap election, his government promised to tunnel an LRT project in downtown Brampton, about 45 kilometres northwest of Toronto, massively increasing the cost compared with running the line on the surface.

Also, data by the Transit Costs Project at NYU show the signature Ontario Line, a subway in Toronto, is expected to cost close to $500-million per kilometre to build, in 2019 dollars. That is about 60 per cent more than a subway expansion from Toronto into its northern suburb of Vaughan that opened in 2017 and was itself widely criticized for its cost.

These problems are not unique to Ontario – the Green Line LRT in Calgary is a poster child for escalating costs and political interference – or even Canada. They crop up across much of the English-speaking world.

Those countries often benchmark against each other, making soaring costs within the group seem less egregious. They tend to have engineering standards that are more onerous than in other nations. And they often disregard transit building for decades and lack institutional experience, making it harder for them to oversee complex projects.

These countries need to learn less from each other and look instead to places where it’s cheaper and faster to build. Italy, Spain and France are all showing that it’s possible to insert new subway lines under ancient dense cities for less per kilometre than Canada manages in sprawling suburbs.

In just one example of how it could be done differently, a subway tunnel in Milan is being made with a nine-metre diameter, according to a report from the School of Cities at the University of Toronto. Meanwhile, a subway expansion tunnel in eastern Toronto is 10.7 metres across, to fit slightly wider trains and a firewall added between the tracks. The difference may not seem like much, but the 18-per-cent increase in diameter means 42 per cent more earth must be excavated.

Canadians can also try to learn the lessons of the few recent domestic projects that have gone well. Because there are some successes. Both the Canada Line in Vancouver and the Réseau express métropolitain in Montreal have aspects worth emulating.

A crucial driver for both projects was strong political backing. Vancouver needed the Canada Line to open before the 2010 Winter Olympics and Quebec’s premier took a personal interest in the REM. The point is not that politicians stuck their noses in; it’s that everyone knew the pressure was on.

Both projects took advantage of smaller rolling stock. A shorter train can be served by a smaller and, because an enormous part of transit building cost is excavation, much cheaper station. Depending on demand, running smaller trains more often may provide service as effective as a longer, less frequent train.

The Canada Line and REM avoided tunnelling where possible. Raising the tracks above the ground is a vastly cheaper option. The REM also repurposed an old tunnel to save money and the Canada Line used cut-and-cover to build part of its tunnel. The latter option is a cheaper method though more disruptive. It does not suit all situations, but politicians need the backbone to insist on it when the savings are sufficient.

Good transit networks are the only thing that stop urban areas grinding to a complete halt. Expanding them will always be expensive and disruptive, but Canadian cities can minimize that pain by building on the examples of others.

Could a congestion charge work here?

Experts say toll system can reduce gridlock if city can offer viable transportation alternatives

This article was written by Estella Ren and was published in the Toronto Star on January 9, 2025.

Drivers cross the Brooklyn Bridge into Manhattan this week after New York became the first U.S. city to adopt a congestion pricing system.

A congestion charge, a longdebated idea in North America, has finally come into effect in New York City and is being praised by experts who say Toronto could benefit from a similar approach.

On Sunday, New York was the first U.S. city to adopt the system after years of studies and delays, joining the likes of London, Stockholm and Singapore which have seen lasting traffic reductions since implementing congestion charges.

The toll system, which is applied to the most congested parts of a city, is meant to reduce gridlock and pollution and raise revenue for public transit.

Toronto council once endorsed tolls on the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway in 2016 to help improve gridlock in a city that has some of the worst traffic in the world. But the plan was scuttled by the Liberal government at the time. In the past September, the city’s transportation department once again said a congestion charge on motorists is not an option on the table.

Despite the Ontario government’s efforts to double down on car mobility, Canadian transportation experts say a congestion charge in Toronto could be a more efficient way to alleviate traffic jams.

“I do think Toronto is at the point where the congestion is so bad. And, the drag on our economy and our quality of life is getting to the point where this does have to be on the table, and has to be studied very carefully,” said Matti Siemiatycki, a geography and planning professor at the University of Toronto.

During peak traffic hours — between 5 a.m. and 9 p.m. on weekdays and on weekends between 9 a.m. and 9 p.m. — drivers of cars, SUVs, small vans and pickup trucks with an EZPass need to pay $9 (U.S.) once per day to enter Manhattan south of Central Park. During off hours, the toll is $2.25 for most vehicles.

Drivers without an EZPass will receive bills by mail and pay more: $13.50 for peak hours and $3.30 overnight.

When charging a price on the road, based on the laws of supply and demand, people will drive less and opt for alternative ways to travel to the city, Siemiatycki said.

Congestion has a price tag too, even though it is often not thought of in this way: people either pay in money, or in time and lost in economic productivity, he added. The latter was estimated at $11 billion annually in the GTA by a study in 2013.

Siemiatycki pointed to Highway 407 as an example of how road tolls work in Toronto and said no matter how much people dislike the cost, it ensures people get across the city in “a reliable fashion.”

“This New York experiment, or an example, is so important because it has the potential to show what’s possible across North America,” he said.

While Jeff Casello applauded the congestion charge in New York as “a fantastic policy,” the urban planning professor at the University of Waterloo said he is concerned about implementing a similar charge in Toronto when there “isn’t any viable alternatives” for transportation.

“Imagine that there was a massive park and ride where you could park your car in a parkandride facility at Pearson Airport, for example, and then take the UP Express downtown. That’s what we ought to be encouraging,” he said.

Siemiatycki, who echoed the sentiment, said if the system is implemented, the city needs to have equity at its core and make sure the public transportation is in place.

“The other point that often doesn’t get talked about is, at the moment, it’s almost virtually impossible to run an effective public transit system on those highways because they’re so congested,” he said.

The key to the congestion pricing system in New York and London is their ability to collect the revenue to improve public transit, while the tolls of Highway 407 are not used for that benefit, said Bruce Hellinga, a transportation engineering professor at the University of Waterloo.

Toronto’s city council has considered the road levy as a potential revenue tool in to relieve the city’s financial pressures. However, the city determined that road pricing policy involves high costs as it will require the city to partner with a technology company to implement the licence plate capture system.

Dakota Brasier, a spokesperson from the Ministry of Transportation, said in a statement that they will remain focused on building the critical infrastructure including allocating nearly $100 billion toward new roads and transit.

“Unlike the Liberals, we will never add a tax or toll to any road in Ontario,” he said.

Siemiatycki also acknowledged that road pricing is an unpopular idea in suburban areas while taking off road tolls, expanding highway networks and cutting bike lanes have “an effective political wedge.”

“We do have to acknowledge that the approach that they’re following is popular. The problem is it hasn’t been effective. I mean congestion has gotten worse during their six years in office,” Siemiatycki said.

“It might be good policy, but it’s not good politics,” he said.

I’ll pay to drive with NYC’s new congestion charge – but I consider it a bargain

This opinion was written by Michael Learmonth and was published by the Globe & Mail on January 4, 2025.

Guess how much it costs today to drive a car, SUV or truck into Manhattan, centre of the Western world, and home to Times Square, Wall Street, the World Trade Center, Broadway, Chinatown and SoHo? That would be zero dollars. That’s right, completely free to drive a personal vehicle into one of the most congested and populated places in America.

As of Sunday, that could change. I say “could” because the city’s congestion pricing plan has been on the drawing board for decades, and despite passing various legal hurdles, could still run into problems. A myriad of lawsuits, most prominently from the State of New Jersey, the Staten Island borough president and the United Federation of Teachers, have sought to halt the plan. Then there’s president-elect Donald Trump, who has promised to end it as soon as he takes office later this month.

The fee, which was lowered to US$9 from US$15 at the 11th hour by New York Governor Kathy Hochul, is an incredible bargain. Consider that a subway ride for two in and out of the city costs US$11.60. Provided it survives, the congestion pricing plan would be the first in the United States, following the lead of London, Milan, Singapore and Stockholm. It’s also the opening salvo in a wider battle over city streets and the purpose of neighbourhoods that is playing out across the country, and will also be closely watched in cities such as Toronto, which are also being strangled by traffic problems.

The debate over this plan is most often framed in the potential harm it would cause to suburban commuters, to outer-borough neighbourhoods that may absorb more traffic and to essential workers like teachers, nurses, police and firefighters who live outside the city. Ms. Hochul even delayed it until after November’s election in hopes of not losing Democratic House seats in the suburbs. What’s never considered are the residents of Manhattan, and particularly of Lower Manhattan, where I’ve lived for nearly 25 years.

No one moves to Manhattan for a bucolic, honking-free environment, or at least no one should. That said, the traffic in Lower Manhattan has gotten exponentially worse since the pandemic. Intersections are routinely gridlocked. Drivers veer into oncoming traffic, bike lanes and crosswalks, endangering pedestrians. Once, my street was relatively little-travelled. Now it is the de facto entrance to the currently free Williamsburg Bridge, with near constant idling cars and smog. Recently the NYPD brought in a surge of traffic enforcement to my street, which now has a mid-block light and several cops on each corner just to keep a semblance of law and order. I know of two people who’ve been hit on one end of my street, and the other end is named for 12-year-old Dashane Santana, who was killed in a crosswalk several years ago.

One day, the idea that we prioritize car mobility in this way will be unthinkable in the same way today’s residents can hardly imagine a time when people smoked in bars and restaurants and streets had no bike lanes or bike share docks. Today, the only smoke anyone smells in New York City is weed and there’s more than 1,500 miles of bike lanes. (Mile 1,000 is commemorated with a little sign in front of my building.)

Keep in mind, the only reason this neighbourhood exists at all is because a group of iconoclasts and visionaries led by writer Jane Jacobs prevented then-unstoppable city planner Robert Moses from building the Cross Manhattan Expressway in 1959, which would have levelled the Lower East Side, Little Italy and SoHo, all to provide motorists a convenient through-way across the island. That may have seemed like a good idea at the time, but it’s unthinkable today. In a few years, the idea that people drove into Lower Manhattan will seem just as ridiculous.

It’s time to ask (and answer) a simple question: What are neighbourhoods for? Do they exist to enable the efficient passage of traffic, which is how NYC’s Department of Transportation treats them? And why should the passage of cars have priority over nearly every other use of our streets?

Ironically, the pandemic, which drove people away from mass transit and into their cars, also opened up the issue for debate. As we speak, the city is demolishing the pandemic-era dining sheds. Some had become decrepit, but others literally transformed streets by taking real estate away from cars and giving it to people and small businesses. Why shouldn’t the reconquest of streets, some widened in the 1940s and 1950s to accommodate cars at the expense of dining, pedestrians and literally anything else, continue?

The city is taking some steps to take space back from cars. Park Avenue, the Gilded Age boulevard that once actually had a park in the middle, is getting its park back at the expense of two car lanes, and the city has a similar proposal for the iconic Fifth Avenue. It should keep going. Does it make sense that shoppers on Spring Street in SoHo literally turn sideways to make it down sidewalks while a half dozen giant SUVs sit there, idling on its cobblestone streets? Or how about Mulberry Street in Little Italy? No, it doesn’t.

Change is hard, and I do sympathize with folks who will have to adjust as a result. That includes me, by the way. Even residents aren’t exempt from congestion pricing, so I’ll pay US$9 every time I re-enter the zone, which will definitely change the math when I decide whether to pick up someone at LaGuardia or go to Lowes in Brooklyn. But because the billions raised are earmarked for transit, ending the car subsidy will finally force drivers to contribute to a system that makes urban life possible, rather than tear it down because it’s cheaper or incrementally more convenient.

Soon, driving to Manhattan will be understood for what it is, a luxury product that has a cost that you should be paying for.