This article was written by Reece Martin and was published in the Toronto Star on January 3, 2026.
Public transit in Toronto feels slower than it’s ever been.
The streetcars have crawled along since we bought new vehicles without learning any new operational tricks. The subway is still in a state of constant slow zones, including along Allen Road where the tradition of subways zipping past cars has been reversed. And even the notparticularlyfast buses are getting stuck in everworsening congestion.
And then a few weeks ago, Toronto opened the multibilliondollar Finch West light rail line and managed to make it not only slower than the buses it replaced, but also most halfdecent joggers.
Fortunately, the crisis has not gone to waste. The mayor and TTC chair have launched into a blitz of motions and moves to not only try to fix the deficiencies on Finch, but also to capitalize on this moment to fix the same set of issues on the downtown streetcars. It’s been a rare positive moment of political leadership and improvisation.
But at some point, once the dust settles, there’s an uncomfortable truth we’ll need to grapple with: Even with signal priority — as well as things we aren’t likely to do like institute fewer stops — transit running on or next to the street is just never going to be truly rapid.
The choice of what kind of transit to build became highly politicized in the 2010s, particularly with Rob Ford’s mantra of “subways, subways, subways!”
But the reality is that roadbased transit is the equivalent of our local roads, and transit still needs its highways.
I recently was on Bloor at a holiday party, and upon opening Google Maps to see my travel time to get home to Scarborough on transit, my jaw dropped at the hourandahalf travel time. Were we to hop in a car, I could have gotten to Niagara Falls in that time, or just home in half that time. This is ultimately what creates congestion and keeps people off transit: driving is so often dramatically faster than what’s supposed to be “the better way.”
The Transit City plan that birthed Finch West and also envisioned the Eglinton Crosstown wanted to “improve” my trip to Scarborough, making sure that the bus part of my journey was now on a snazzystreetcar like we’ve now opened on Finch. This is still the playbook that’s shaping transit decision making at the city of Toronto, even though the city’s own studies show the Eglinton East LRT would be slower than the express buses running on Eglinton today; and yet the project is one of the city’s top transit priorities.
The reality is that to actually achieve rapid transit, you need to have transit that isn’t chained to the road network.
This not only means never waiting for a traffic light and going through urban areas at 80 kilometres an hour or faster, but maybe even cutting across the street grid in diagonals.
The subways being delivered by the province would actually probably shave 15 to 20 minutes off of my trip and those of tens of thousands of others if they were open today, and they are only being accepted begrudgingly. New GO stations under the “SmartTrack” program are being treated like they are exclusively for the use of rich 905 commuters, but had they all been open, my trip home could have been done in just 30 minutes — a third of the time it actually took.
The subways are coming, and more GO train service and stations are coming, too, but we need to lean into this transitbuilding renaissance. There need to be more GO lines and more trains on them to more places, and additional stations to provide access to more neighbourhoods. The subway network needs to expand further, with branches to other outlying areas, extensions, and more lines in the central city.
Achieving this means changing the way we do things. Toronto currently has among the most expensive transit projects in the world — the Finch LRT has cost more than the Sheppard subway. Tackling these costs isn’t straightforward, but a start would be to stop thinking that trains have to be underground. People rave about the London Underground, but more than half of that system is actually above the ground — viaducts, embankments and cuttings might remind people that transit actually exists, and they also let cities afford transit. If we can change the way we do things, lay out some nationbuilding projects for the nation’s largest city, and get building, we could finally have a transit system to be proud of — and yes, that means subways, subways, subways.
Federal investigation clears carmaker of wrongdoing after anger over subsidies
This article was written by Marco Chown Oved and was published in the Toronto Star on September 19, 2025.
Federal investigation clears carmaker of wrongdoing after anger over subsidies
Tesla used an automated system to make a run on the bank of Canada’s dwindling EV subsidies, outmanoeuvring Canadian dealerships that filed claims manually and were left short millions of dollars, the Star has learned.
In January, when Ottawa announced that funds were running low in its electric vehicle rebate program, it sparked an “unprecedented surge” as the American EV giant filed more than 8,600 rebate claims over the next 72 hours, a rate of more than two per minute, around the clock.
When the Star broke the story in March, it sparked outrage at the idea that Tesla could have sold so many cars over a single weekend and prompted then minister of transport Chrystia Freeland to freeze payouts pending an audit of each claim.
The resulting investigation into Tesla’s conduct, obtained by the Star, cleared the company of wrongdoing and found the cars weren’t actually sold during that last weekend.
Instead, the investigation found the company employed a robot to file a batch of back claims for cars sold months and even years beforehand.
“Since early in the iZEV Program, Tesla Motors Canada has used a tool that allows for (an) accelerate(d) submission of claims, and correspondingly, they have submitted
claims at a faster rate than other dealerships,” states a memo to the deputy minister of transport summarizing the results of the investigation, obtained via accesstoinformation legislation.
“Tesla is the only authorized seller who submits claims in bulk.”
The Transport Canada investigation found Tesla’s claims covered EVs delivered to customers as far back as Oct. 14, 2022, and as late as Jan. 30, 2025, nearly three weeks after the iZEV program shuttered.
In all, Tesla claimed $43.1 million in rebates over the threeday period, “significantly contributing to the surge,” the memo states.
Tesla accounted for 89 per cent of all funds claimed during the final weekend.
“The number of claims submitted by Tesla over two days just before the program pause has generated public and industry criticism. The public may not understand how Tesla Motors Canada could claim such a high volume of incentives between the pause announcement and the pause itself,” states the memo.
“It’s important to clarify that, while mediareported figures are accurate … the data has been misinterpreted. The term `submitted’ does not indicate that the vehicles were sold on that specific day. Rather, `submitted’ refers to the date on which the requests were entered into the iZEV portal, which may not align with the actual date of the delivery of the vehicles.”
The confusion was compounded by program rules on Transport Canada’s website that stated dealerships “must” file claims before delivery to the customer. In practice, this rule was not enforced and backfiling for EVs that had already been shipped out was common practice across the industry.
Tesla’s claims for EVs sold nearly twoandahalf years prior were approved because “the vehicles were delivered during the eligible period of the iZEV Program (before the program paused)” on Jan. 12, the memo states. The Teslas delivered after that date were deemed eligible because “those vehicles were preapproved before Jan. 12, 2025, but delivered afterwards.”
Tesla and Transport Canada did not respond to emailed questions for this story.
The Monday morning following the program’s pause, when hundreds of independently owned Canadian car dealerships attempted to file for reimbursement of rebates they had given customers, they found the online portal had been deactivated weeks ahead of schedule, leaving them out of pocket an estimated $10 million.
They were outraged that the federal government had cut them off while tens of millions of taxpayer dollars flowed to Tesla, which is run by CEO Elon Musk, who was a key figure in U.S. President Donald Trump’s White House as it waged a trade war against Canada.
In July, Ottawa reopened the iZEV claims portal and pledged that dealerships would be made whole. At the time, those dealers were told they could not submit claims for EVs delivered after the program ended on Jan. 12.
News that Tesla received reimbursement for rebates on cars delivered after the program ended will not be well received by EV buyers, many of whom didn’t receive their expected rebates because their vehicles weren’t delivered on time.
“They’re protecting the dealerships but not the people who were supposed to benefit from the EV program,” said Sherine Young, who didn’t get the rebate after ordering an EV in 2024 and receiving it in April this year.
“They should be honouring when you actually purchased the vehicle because that was within the program’s time frame,” she told the Star this summer.
As the only electric vehicle dealer to employ a “bulk submission” sys
Canadian car dealers were outraged that the federal government had cut them off while tens of millions of taxpayer dollars flowed to Tesla, which is run by CEO Elon Musk, a key figure in U.S. President Donald Trump’s White House as it waged a trade war against Canada
tem, Tesla had overwhelmed the EV rebate system in the past and had been warned by the federal bureaucrats to knock it off.
“Because Tesla didn’t provide upfront notification for their bulk submission, it has been difficult for the iZEV program,” states the memo. “The iZEV team met several times with Tesla Motors Canada to request that they submit on a more regular basis and, as a result, reduce the number of claims submitted in bulk.”
Nevertheless, the surge in claims was anticipated by federal bureaucrats, who warned their superiors before the program was wound down that this was likely to occur.
“It is likely that when a program pause announcement is made, the manufacturers and dealerships will create a surge of requests … to ensure they receive the reimbursement for the incentives they already provided. This may speed up the depletion of funds,” states a December 2024 memo to then transport minister Anita Anand.
“Many manufacturers/dealerships do not proceed with the required eligibility assessment prior to the delivery of the vehicles (they perform this step after the delivery, even if instructed to submit before) … As a result, there are many vehicles already delivered for which the funds have not yet been reserved.”
This article was written by Scott Stinson and was published in the Toronto Star on August 11, 2025.
Doug Ford acknowledged last week that the feasibility study for his proposed Highway 401 megatunnel wouldn’t be complete until 2027 at the earliest.
The premier didn’t provide an estimate as to how much the study would cost, but given the long timeline, it’s bound to be many millions of dollars. Whatever the cheque comes to, it will have been a lot of money to be told: “Bad idea.”
It’s hard to know where to start. Building a tunnel under the 401 is one of those proposals that’s so transparently ridiculous it should’ve died right after Ford spitballed the idea, not unlike the giant waterfront Ferris wheel of his political youth.
Remember: Ontario is a province that’s currently spending $5 billion on a fivekilometre subway extension. Backofthenapkin math suggests a 50kilometre tunnel, one big enough for public transit and multiple lanes of traffic, would cost at least $50 billion, and probably double that given the extra size.
By comparison, the $200 rebate cheques that the Ford government cynically sent to every Ontarian as a preelection handout cost the treasury about $3 billion. If the 401 tunnel were to cost $100 billion — which still feels like a conservative estimate, considering the fact that large infrastructure projects nearly always run over budget — it would be the equivalent of mailing $6,600 cheques to each of Ontario’s 16 million residents.
In other words, this would be insanely costly. Almost any other idea that the premier could dream up (elevated roadways! Superlong buses! Commuter helicopters!) would be significantly less expensive.
Tunnels are built out of necessity alone, to bypass barriers such as mountains and rivers when there are no alternative routes, precisely because they are so complicated and costly. No one brainstorming transit solutions jots down “underground highway” as a starting point.
Yet Ford remains committed to his tunnel concept, saying “it is happening” even while admitting the feasibility study is years away from completion. And every time he mentions the idea, it sounds more ludicrous. In discussing the tunnel recently, the premier said the basic plan would include one lane of vehicular traffic in either direction, plus a separate level for undefined “transit.”
Leaving the incredible cost aside, how could anyone think that the addition of a single lane of traffic each way would have any meaningful impact on the crushing gridlock of the 401, a highway that at some points is already 18 lanes wide? Even if there were a magical traffic fairy who could somehow stretch the 401 out to 20 lanes at its busiest points, does anyone believe traffic would suddenly start moving smoothly? You don’t need to have studied the concept of induced demand to know that more drivers would cram more vehicles into the extra lanes, slowing things down almost immediately.
Meanwhile, what happens when there’s a collision in Ford’s megatunnel? With just one lane of traffic going each direction, even a stalled car or blown tire could potentially result in a 50kilometre tube of stuck traffic.
How could anyone think that the addition of a single lane of traffic each way would have any meaningful impact on the crushing gridlock of the 401, a highway that at some points is already 18 lanes wide?
And if the idea were to construct dozens of entrance and exit points to avoid such a scenario, how much more disruptive would that be to the alreadybusy surface routes along the highway?
Shortterm traffic headaches would be acceptable, of course, if the end result were to have a meaningful impact on gridlock. Subways are difficult and costly to build, but at least they move a high volume of passengers efficiently once operational. A tunnel full of singleoccupant vehicles would be the literal opposite of that.
Unfortunately, that’s the mode of transportation Ford is determined to prioritize above all others, even if it takes billions of taxpayer dollars and a massive, unworkable tunnel to do so. The least efficient solution. The highest possible cost. How is this still being taken seriously?
This article was written by Nick Murray and was published in the Toronto Star on July 12, 2025.
Car dealerships who were on the hook for thousands of dollars in electric vehicle rebates will have a month to make a claim to get their money back.
Transport Canada laid out the details in a call Friday with dealerships. The department indicated any vehicle that was delivered before the program paused on Jan. 12 will be eligible for reimbursement.
The Canadian Automobile Dealers Association welcomed the news. It estimates that its 3,500 members are owed about $11 million for rebates on vehicles they had already sold to customers — rebates the dealers didn’t claim from the federal government before Ottawa said the rebate program had run out of money.
“I had dealers calling immediately after (Transport Canada’s briefing) who were very emotional on the phone, who have been worried about this, because this has had a huge impact on their cash flow,” said Huw Williams, the organization’s public affairs director.
“It was quite emotional on the other side to hear dealers are going to get paid because not every manufacturer covered their dealer or supported their dealers.”
Dealerships will only be allowed to file a maximum of 25 claims per day, which Williams said will more than cover the shortfall.
Transport Canada also said any vehicle that was purchased before the Jan. 12 cutoff date but delivered to the customer after that point won’t be eligible for reimbursement.
“The cutoff date is something we’ll be discussing with Transport Canada,” Williams said.
“We’ll have to see how big that problem is and whether that can be resolved. But for the moment, this is a win for dealers.”
In January, Transport Canada paused its popular Incentives for ZeroEmission Vehicles program after its funding ran out.
The program provided up to $5,000 toward the purchase of a new zero emissions vehicle. But with the abrupt suspension of the program — only three days after the government suggested it would be paused when the funds were exhausted — hundreds of dealerships were forced to swallow the cost of any rebate claims they hadn’t yet submitted.
A few bike lanes won’t change how deeply ingrained our car habits have become in Toronto
This article was written by Scott Stinson and was published in the Toronto Star on May 24, 2025.
The Ontario premier’s budget, announced last week, includes a pledge to rip out even more bike lanes in Toronto, beyond those already planned and which are presently mired in a legal dispute. Ford has defended the costly removal of existing bike infrastructure by saying he doesn’t oppose such lanes in principle, but he wants them away from roads that cars use. He somehow imagines a bikelane network that weaves through Toronto’s side streets, many of which are already narrow due to onstreet parking. It’s an idea that makes almost as much sense as building a tunnel under Highway 401.
But it’s also, at this point, not at all surprising. Ford is so procar that if his last name wasn’t already a vehicle brand, you’d almost expect him to change it to one. Beyond the bikelane teardowns, he will extend the gastax removal into seeming perpetuity, and will cut the tolls on the provincially owned portion of Highway 407 east of Toronto.
The electoral trick of Ford’s carfirst policy is that it’s actually a suburbsfirst policy. The premier’s votewinning machine does particularly well in the 905, where the car rules.
Living in a suburb just north of Toronto, as I do, it’s easy to see the disconnect between what is generally considered sound transit and transportation policy and what actually happens.
There are GO Trains in and out of the city, but they are slow and stop so many times that commuters instead wrestle daily with the question of leaving early in a car to beat traffic or settling in for the long train ride. The city of Markham claims an extensive bikelane network, but the vast majority of such lanes are just lines painted on existing roads, not separated from vehicle traffic. And every weekday, the main roads in and out of Toronto swell with cars and trucks during rush hour as drivers opt for the wildly inefficient stopandgo of city streets over the evenmorefrustrating slow crawl of the Don Valley Parkway.
As much as I can appreciate the evidence for bike lanes or other noncar transportation modes that have been successfully implemented in densely populated European cities, I can’t pretend that any of my neighbours would consider a bicycle an actual commuting option even if an ideal route existed. A 30kilometre bike to work would make for an awfully sweaty day.
Which is, from a transitpolicy standpoint, a problem. The suburbs of Toronto, and throughout the country, already exist. The density of old Europe was foregone for wide streets and twocar garages. The urban centre has long since sprawled. And as a result, there is a huge constituency of voters for whom car travel is simply a way of life.
More than 20 years ago, Markham created a new neighbourhood, Cornell, where homes had laneways with backyard garages, and there was more park and retail space. The idea was a more localized community, where residents could walk and shop and not have to get in the car and drive to the mall or the bigbox store. People still drove to the mall. Eventually, a Walmart was built nearby.
It’s not even clear that a concerted effort to deprioritize the car in the suburbs would work, so ingrained are the habits. A Vespa dealer opened on Markham’s old Main Street some years ago, selling the motorized scooters common in Europe. It seemed an odd fit: was someone really going to take that thing to Home Depot and park next to the Escalades and the Expeditions? It would be like a poodle among elephants. The dealer didn’t last long.
There is, as it happens, a realworld solution to congestion playing out now in New York City, where new tolls on vehicles in and out of Manhattan have reduced traffic and sped up public transit. Would Doug Ford ever consider such a plan? Not on your life. And to be fair to him, there’s no evidence his rivals would, either. The Liberals backed away from road tolls and even the NDP campaigned on removing them from the 407.
The suburbs want their roads to be free. Even if that only means more people will use them.
They helped the city grow. And they could now help ease its congestion, experts say
This article was written by Andy Takagi and was published in the Toronto Star on March 16, 2025.
“The streetcar could be shaping our future Queen Streets, Dundas Streets and College Streets, where people want to live, work and be part of the city.”
LAURENCE LUI TTC HEAD
“Streetcars carry more people, more consistently, faster, more evenly. It feels better. Getting rid of the streetcar is just talking about making the city smaller (and) worse.”
SHOSHANNA SAXE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO CIVIL ENGINEERING
The dingding of a streetcar means something different to every Torontonian.
For Laurence Lui, it evokes memories of nighttime rides on the classic streetcars, during which the TTC worker watched the sparkling streets of the city go by. For Shoshanna Saxe, it’s a reminder of chugging along the smooth metal tracks that carried the civil engineering professor to school as a child. For Steve Munro, it’s the soundtrack of a transit enthusiast first learning the city’s winding streets.
For others, the familiar sound brings irritation and outright anger, the noise punctuating interrupted commutes and interminable delays. To name only a few recent examples: a garbage truck derailing the commute of tens of thousands for most of a week after clipping streetcar wires at King and Spadina. Or, over the span of 10 hours, 23 cars blocking streetcars throughout the city as Toronto reeled from consecutive snowstorms last month.
It could also be, some experts contend, the sound of a solution coming to whisk away Toronto’s paralyzing congestion — that is, if we put faith, and money, back into a Toronto transportation system that has been on the decline for decades.
“Fundamentally, as a city, we grew up around the streetcar,” said Lui, the TTC’s head of service planning and scheduling.
“The streetcar could be shaping our future Queen Streets, Dundas Streets and College Streets, where people want to live, work and be part of the city.”
A past performer
While the streetcar has persisted, it hasn’t always thrived. Ridership for streetcars has yet to rebound to prepandemic levels and lags behind buses and the subway lines. Although still some of the city’s busiest routes, the dozens of streetcar lines that the city had at its peak in the 1920s have been whittled down to just 18. The network has taken a back seat to the needs of the subways and the shiny new Ontario Line, all while becoming a target of drivers who blame streetcars for gumming up the roads and cyclists whose tires can get caught in the tracks.
More than a hundred years ago, streetcars had the road to themselves. Torontonians were ferried through the city by horsedrawn streetcars. Those hooftrodden paths were later embedded into paved roads with tracks made to Toronto’s unique rail gauge — routes sprawling across the city from end to end to end. Through two world wars and just as many onceinalifetime pandemics, the streetcar has cemented itself into Toronto.
In 1861, Canada was still six years from Confederation. And Toronto had just got its first streetcar. The first two routes were horsedrawn, clipclopping northsouth on Yonge Street and eastwest on Queen Street. The city thrived along the routes — over time, the Yonge streetcar connected residents to Eaton’s and Maple Leaf Gardens. The Queen streetcar route serviced a row of grocers, tailors, blacksmiths and milliners — businesses that in turn serviced growing residential neighbourhoods.
The system peaked in the 1920s as a web of interconnected tracks embedded in concrete that sprawled into the outskirts of the city, supporting streetcars running all the way out to Port Credit in the west, Scarborough in the east and Sutton in the north.
Battle for the roads
But everything changed after the war. Toronto’s first subway, the Yonge line, was opened in 1954. Trolley buses became more widespread and Metro Toronto was created, massively expanding the area the TTC was meant to service.
After the first subways began running — and as more people could afford cars — the streetcar went into decline. The University subway was tunnelled and streetcar routes were abandoned throughout the city over the subsequent decades. Networks on Harbord, Dupont, Parliament and Coxwell were all abandoned in favour of buses or the new Bloor subway line.
A similar scene was playing out throughout North America, in cities from Los Angeles to Boston, where buses and subways gained favour over the streetcar — and streetcars had to battle with cars for road space. By the 1970s, it seemed all but inevitable that the streetcar would be going extinct here, too.
And it almost did. The TTC was planning to abandon the rest of the city’s streetcar lines by the 1980s, until a transit advocacy group, Streetcars for Toronto, successfully lobbied to save the remaining routes in the city, arguing that streetcars offered a smoother ride, and were quieter and more costefficient than buses.
In 1972, even as the TTC was considering phasing out streetcars on some routes, the agency’s general manager called them “pound for pound … the best transit vehicle ever produced.”
But it was too late. The decline of the streetcar was death by a thousand service cuts, said Steve Munro, a transit advocate and member of Streetcars for Toronto,
“The level of service on the streetcar lines in the city was considerably better than it is today. There were lines that had double the service they have today,” Munro said. A “little cut here and a little cut there” have driven riders away, he said.
As cars became more popular, an “imbalance” was created on the roads, between the streetcar that can carry 130 passengers, and a car that might carry only one.
A Toronto icon
Despite the erosion of routes in the city, the streetcar has remained at the heart of Toronto’s cultural identity. The streetcar has moved countless Torontonians, been a place for “meetcutes” and, on occasion, for overly public displays of affection. It’s a mustsee sight for tourists and loved by transit enthusiasts — the expansive windows and smooth ride are known by most who have spent even a day downtown. Even nonhuman Torontonians take it: dogs, cats — and, of course, raccoons.
Still, there are problems. With a few exceptions, most streetcar routes share the road with cars, which can leave transit lines paralyzed in traffic — a scene that played out most recently on King Street, but is regularly seen throughout the city where cars and streetcars battle for priority. And while the King Street pilot was shown to move people more efficiently, with priority signalling and traffic enforcement agents, it all depends on drivers complying with the rules of the road.
Getting rid of or reducing the number of streetcars, as Toronto intended to do in the 1970s, isn’t the solution to easing congestion, said Saxe, a University of Toronto professor in civil engineering and the Canada Research Chair in sustainable infrastructure. Instead, it’s giving back more of the road to transit, like streetcars and buses, to move more Torontonians.
“Streetcars carry more people, more consistently, faster, more evenly. It feels better,” Saxe said. “Getting rid of the streetcar is just talking about making the city smaller (and) worse.”
Lui agreed, emphasizing the important role the streetcar continues to play as part of the city’s transit network.
“If one streetcar is carrying close to 200 people when it’s full, imagine if that was four or five buses and what that would mean in terms of congestion levels,” Lui said.
A future solution?
In the short term, the city’s transit solutions lie in the realm of buses and bike lanes, Saxe said — “things that we can do this decade to make (transit) better.”
That longer term future includes light rail transit (LRT), which, depending on who you ask, is essentially the same as a streetcar. (Others argue that LRTs have distinct features, like right of ways and more distance between stops.) On top of the long awaited, and long delayed, Eglinton Crosstown and Finch West LRTs, the city has plans for an Eglinton East and Waterfront East LRT, both of which remain in the design stage without longterm funding.
The problem, as with most services in the city, is money, Lui said. With the TTC’s existing streetcar fleet, he explained, the city could run fiveminute service throughout the city — if it had the money to pay drivers.
All the while, the streetcar is one of the TTC’s most profitable modes of transit. Nearly 236,000 Torontonians take a streetcar every weekday, with each car nearly tripling the capacity of a bus. That, and increasing ridership with better service, can help the TTC make a better argument for priority on the roads.
“We’ve had success cases of that in the past, where we invest in better service, better frequency, and people will come,” Lui said.
The King Street priority corridor, despite its muchmaligned flaws, is just one example Lui put forward. The 2017 pilot, which was made permanent in 2019, reduced travel times for commuters along King Street (with the help of traffic agents), even as Ontario Line construction poured more traffic into the already congested stretch of downtown.
When the roads are backed up and streetcars are blocked, it’s not the streetcar that’s at fault, Lui said.
“It’s about how do we prioritize our road space and how other road users are using that same street,” he added. When Lui’s transit colleagues from other North American cities come to Toronto, he said they’re “always amazed at how busy our streetcars are, and shocked how little priority we get.”
“If we want to reach our goals for a livable city, for a city that is to continue to welcome more housing, welcome more people, streetcars are far more effective in encouraging that gentle density that creates vibrant neighbourhoods,” Lui said.
This article was written by Chris Turner and was published in the Globe & Mail on March 1, 2025. Chris Turner’s latest book, How to Be a Climate Optimist: Blueprints for a Better World, won the Shaughnessy Cohen Prize for Political Writing.
ABB and CP Rail Systems’ X 2000 high-speed train, built as part of a study for high-speed rail in Canada, is pictured in Toronto in July, 1993. High-speed rail in the country is a subject that has been exhaustively researched by various federal governments over the past several decades.
To meet the needs of an increasingly electrified society, Chris Turner writes, Canada’s grids must double or even triple their total generating capacity within a generation
Last week, with the country in the grip of a nationalistic fervour the likes of which Canada hasn’t seen in decades, the federal government announced that it was investing $3.9-billion to begin design work on an all-electric high-speed rail (HSR) line from Toronto to Quebec City. This is merely the first phase in a project that – if completed – would take more than a decade and cost in the tens of billions.
That is, to be sure, a big hairy old if, hanging over the pledge of a government in limbo, with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau having fewer days left on the job than your typical bullet train has passenger cars. Still, this is serious money, a new Crown corporation (called Alto), and a consortium of developers (calling itself “Cadence”) that includes Quebec’s massive investment fund CDPQ, state-owned French rail giant SNCF and Air Canada. And they’ve been tasked to build not the half-measure option of “high-frequency rail” that had long been expected, but bonafide, bullet-train-propelled HSR.
For long-time rail boosters, this was even bigger news than Canada’s victory on the ice in Boston the following day. Is the era of high-speed rail about to arrive – finally – in Canada?
There is no way to ask this question without inviting the hardest of eye rolls. HSR is, after all, a subject so exhaustively researched by various Canadian governments that the Rick Mercer Report once produced a parody commercial about Canada’s leadership in high-speed rail studies, touting the quality of the paper stock and binding sported by the latest report. The parody itself is more than a decade old – even sneering at plans for highspeed rail in this country amounts to a kind of retro-futuristic nostalgia.
But Canadian politics have been steeped in more than enough mean cynicism of late. I’d prefer instead to set aside the many arguments for why this HSR project might never be completed and consider instead why it should be – why Canadians should indeed settle for nothing less. Whether it amounts to “the largest infrastructure project in Canadian history,” as Mr. Trudeau claimed, this new HSR line would certainly be the most significant investment in sustainable long-distance transportation in this country since at least the 1970s.
And it would serve as a powerful symbol of the dawn of a new era in which Canada is again ready to dream big about its national ambitions – and to build the infrastructure essential for success in the turbulent climate of the 21st century.
There is no denying the turbulence – or fully avoiding it. The climate crisis has obliged the fundamental realignment of the entire global economy – including a new energy paradigm the International Energy Agency has dubbed “the Age of Electricity.” Electrified transport powered by clean energy is the essential building block of this new order.
Feeding on all this calamity is an authoritarian politics of nostalgia best exemplified by U.S. President Donald Trump’s absurd lust for tariffs. This may yet prove to be a strange sort of backhanded gift, as it has jolted Canadians with rare speed and unity into taking nation-building and selfreliance more seriously than they have in generations. It’s a perverse opportunity, but one that shouldn’t be squandered.
To properly address this interlocking web of challenges – a “polycrisis,” the political scientists sometimes call it – Canada must embark on an infrastructure building boom without recent precedent. It needs to electrify much of its transport and at least double its electricity production in the next quarter century to meet demand growth and its climate goals. It needs new transmission lines linking provincial grids that have long viewed each other as rivals and the customers to the south as the real prize. It needs abundant new housing that isn’t just affordable but clean-powered and ready to withstand the trials of this century’s altered climate. And it needs real partnerships with Indigenous communities nationwide to earn permission to build it.
Canada needs all of this and more, as fast as it can be built. And, yes, it would benefit enormously from an HSR line from Toronto to Quebec City as the backbone of a new age of electrified transport and a symbol of Canada’s commitment to investing in the best infrastructure of this century and not the last.
I’ll come back to the climate benefits of electrified trains supplanting driving or flying for intercity travel in its most populous region. First, though, let’s simply gawk at the miracle of high-speed rail. I am excessively biased on this subject. I can report firsthand that HSR is quite simply the pinnacle achievement to date in human transportation.
In 2009, I boarded a highspeed train for the first time – an AVE train, run by the Spanish national passenger rail operator Renfe (among the losing bidders on the Alto project). I travelled from Málaga on the Costa del Sol to the centre of Madrid, a journey of about 500 kilometres, essentially the same as the distance between Toronto and Montreal. I was hurtled across the surface of the earth at speeds greater than 300 kilometres an hour. The ride was smooth, even elegant – the reasonable ticket price included a glass of cold sherry with my lunch. A little more than two hours after departing from the coast, I stepped off the train at Madrid’s Puerta de Atocha station in the centre of the city, feeling absolutely certain I had just experienced the best mode of transport ever invented.
Riding a high-speed train is not just a little better than driving, not slightly less hassle than the grind of air travel, not merely a modest improvement over VIA Rail’s existing service. It is epochally better on all fronts, a revelation, something like the huddled masses of the 19th century must have felt as they abandoned rattling horse and wagon over rutted roads for the ease and baffling speed of the first passenger trains. If and when Canada completes its first high-speed line, the unfortunate souls lurching their way down the 401 in their cars will look downright pitiful as train passengers race past them in a blur. They would also boast carbon footprints smaller by a factor of at least five than those drivers behind the wheels of cars still sporting tailpipes.
I don’t want to focus too tightly on statistics – surely a nation’s ambitions amount to more than a few lines on a graph – but there is no shortage of numbers to indicate how Canada is progressing in pursuit of its intertwined climate change and energy transition goals. The country has pledged to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions to 40 per cent below 2005 levels by 2030 and reach net zero by 2050. As of 2022, emissions were down 6.4 per cent. The pace and scale of the transition simply must increase dramatically.
This goes far beyond electric trains, of course – and it’s a question not just of the planet’s health but of Canada’s economic competitiveness. The pace in the global energy transition is already being set elsewhere – by the United States, the European Union and especially China. The Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act provided a massive boost to clean-technology industries from solar panels to carbon capture, creating momentum that will endure regardless of how much of the act Mr. Trump’s wrecking crew attempts to dismantle. The EU, meanwhile, has been a clean-energy pacesetter for decades, with ambitious targets that include netzero electricity as soon as 2035 in seven EU countries (Germany and France among them) and a ban on the sale of vehicles with internal combustion engines by the same date across the entire region. And China has established itself as by far the world’s leading maker and user of clean energy – not just manufacturing more than 80 per cent of the world’s solar panels, for example, but installing more of them each year than the rest of the world combined. (China is also adding more new track to the planet’s largest HSR network each year than the rest of the world combined. Virtually everything about China’s role in the energy transition amounts to more than the rest of the world combined.)
This poses a simple, vital question to Canadians: From fast trains to electric grids, will we find the wherewithal to keep up? The most basic foundations on which a century of progress in the industrialized world were built – its geopolitics, its economic priorities, its primary energy sources – are now being fundamentally realigned. Will Canada act boldly enough to rebuild its own foundations to ensure another century of success?
I spent much of the past year immersed in the analysis of Canada’s position in this new age on the electrification front, assisting the Canada Electricity Advisory Council (CEAC) with the production of its final report. CEAC was an arm’s-length roundtable of electricity experts assembled by Natural Resources Canada to advise the federal government on how to help Canada’s electricity sector chart a path to net-zero emissions. The council’s conclusions are simultaneously encouraging and deeply worrying.
On the upside, Canada has begun its energy transition with an enviable head start – more than 80 per cent of the country’s electricity is already drawn from emissions-free sources, a gift bestowed by its legacy of large-scale hydro and nuclear power generation. And there has been some real effort already to begin building this cleaner economy across the country, from British Columbia’s pioneering net-zero building codes to Atlantic Canada’s enthusiastic embrace of hyperefficient heat pumps for home heating.
But CEAC’s report also noted a troubling lack of sustained national resolve. To meet the needs of an increasingly electrified society, Canada’s grids must double or even triple their total generating capacity within a generation. No jurisdiction in the country is moving at anywhere near that pace, and CEAC warned of a “bottleneck” threatening electrification efforts across the country – Canada ranks second-worst among its peers in the OECD, for example, in the pace of permitting for new construction projects.
The state of rail construction in Canada has emerged as a particularly reliable punchline in infrastructure circles. The Eglinton Crosstown LRT project in Toronto is years late and still not up and running. Ottawa’s newest LRT line seems to break down every time it snows. The minders of provincial transport policy in Alberta have balked at the prospect of digging a single tunnel under a few blocks in downtown Calgary. This is not the stuff of bold national ambitions.
What is Canada working on right now with any real collective resolve that might invite even modest praise in half a century, let alone a grateful nation’s awe at a big dream realized? This was the thought that haunted me as I finished my work with CEAC. It sent me seeking solace in an old movie about the postwar boom – a National Film Board documentary from 1958 called Trans Canada Summer.
The film is one of those postwar homages to technological progress featuring lingering shots of machinery and fastmoving vehicles, an hour-long celebration of the bustling nation being bound together just then by the construction of the Trans-Canada Highway. The narration – by Pierre Berton, no less – sung the praises of brand-new dams in New Brunswick, nuclear research facilities in Ontario, oil rigs in Alberta and timber exports at the Port of Vancouver.
In the film’s time, there had never before been a paved road across the island of Newfoundland and no fixed link between Cape Breton and the Nova Scotia mainland. Building transportation infrastructure across the vast expanse of the Canadian Shield in Northern Ontario and through the Rocky Mountains was not a whole lot easier to achieve in the 1950s than it was when the first transcontinental railway was constructed nearly a century earlier. Berton would write his own three-volume ode to that project not long after the making of Trans Canada Summer, and his narration in the documentary rolled out one of the core themes of his railway trilogy – the sheer improbability of Canada. “We’ll make these varied, separated regions into a nation despite geography,” Berton intones over the film’s final scenes. “We’ll link them – by railroad, by road. We’ll make them one.”
Those varied, separated regions, however, never quite completed the job of becoming one. And the variance and separation that have persisted since have emerged as major obstacles in the pursuit of Canada’s climate and energy goals. But the ground has shifted with astonishing speed in recent weeks. Strengthening those regional connections – by dropping trade barriers, by building interconnections between electricity grids, perhaps by launching a 21st-century rail network – has emerged overnight as an urgent priority. These can seem like daunting chores for a country that struggles to complete even modest transit expansions. But they could also be the components of an inspiring national project.
Last Thanksgiving, I found myself stuck in brutal stop-and-go traffic on Highway 400 coming into Toronto. It gave me ample time to study the billboards the Ontario government has placed at intervals alongside the highway, boasting about the $28-billion it is spending to widen and refurbish highways across the province – tens of billions, that is, simply to maintain the failing, gridlocked status quo. (Ontario’s Premier also seems determined to build some colossal tunnel whose cost would surely dwarf that budget to mirror the mess at the surface.)
There will before long come a moment when another prime minister will have to choose whether to push beyond grand designs and commit to investing tens of billions of taxpayer dollars to make Canada’s first HSR line a reality. I have no doubt many chins will be ponderously scratched over the price tag. Transport Canada once put the figure at $80-billion, which is likely low. It will unquestionably be an unnervingly large number. But consider it in contrast to $28billion just to keep the status quo lurching along Ontario’s highways for another few years. Perhaps triple that in order to build the backbone of the best intercity transport system humanity has ever devised? Seems almost like a bargain.
What would be a reasonable price to pay, after all, to change the way half the country’s population thinks about transport? To assert boldly that Canadians deserve not just another couple of lanes on a clogged highway but the cleanest, most efficient transportation system the world has to offer? To no longer settle for half-measures when it comes to vital infrastructure? To dream as big as we can about a better future? That’s a ticket well worth the cost.
This goes far beyond electric trains, of course – and it’s a question not just of the planet’s health but of Canada’s economic competitiveness. The pace in the global energy transition is already being set elsewhere – by the United States, the European Union and especially China.
This editorial was written and published by the Globe & Mail on January 27, 2025.
Canada spends vastly more building a kilometre of rail transit than many other countries. It gets less bang for its buck and projects are shrunk to fit budgets, making them less effective. Meanwhile, residents wait impatiently as promised opening dates slip by again and again.
The longer this continues, the more Canada risks losing the social licence to pursue such crucial projects.
This is not an exaggerated concern. The government of Ontario is currently moving forward with a $70-billion expansion of subways and light-rail transit in the Greater Toronto Area. If these projects aren’t done better, it’s hard to see how much longer residents will support the vast cost and grinding disruption of building transit. Which would lead to a disastrous future of even more gridlock, commuter frustration and economic damage.
Unfortunately, warning bells are ringing.
Political meddling has made some projects unnecessarily expensive, such as a light-rail transit (LRT) extension in westend Toronto being buried at huge cost. On Friday, the same day Premier Doug Ford announced a snap election, his government promised to tunnel an LRT project in downtown Brampton, about 45 kilometres northwest of Toronto, massively increasing the cost compared with running the line on the surface.
Also, data by the Transit Costs Project at NYU show the signature Ontario Line, a subway in Toronto, is expected to cost close to $500-million per kilometre to build, in 2019 dollars. That is about 60 per cent more than a subway expansion from Toronto into its northern suburb of Vaughan that opened in 2017 and was itself widely criticized for its cost.
These problems are not unique to Ontario – the Green Line LRT in Calgary is a poster child for escalating costs and political interference – or even Canada. They crop up across much of the English-speaking world.
Those countries often benchmark against each other, making soaring costs within the group seem less egregious. They tend to have engineering standards that are more onerous than in other nations. And they often disregard transit building for decades and lack institutional experience, making it harder for them to oversee complex projects.
These countries need to learn less from each other and look instead to places where it’s cheaper and faster to build. Italy, Spain and France are all showing that it’s possible to insert new subway lines under ancient dense cities for less per kilometre than Canada manages in sprawling suburbs.
In just one example of how it could be done differently, a subway tunnel in Milan is being made with a nine-metre diameter, according to a report from the School of Cities at the University of Toronto. Meanwhile, a subway expansion tunnel in eastern Toronto is 10.7 metres across, to fit slightly wider trains and a firewall added between the tracks. The difference may not seem like much, but the 18-per-cent increase in diameter means 42 per cent more earth must be excavated.
Canadians can also try to learn the lessons of the few recent domestic projects that have gone well. Because there are some successes. Both the Canada Line in Vancouver and the Réseau express métropolitain in Montreal have aspects worth emulating.
A crucial driver for both projects was strong political backing. Vancouver needed the Canada Line to open before the 2010 Winter Olympics and Quebec’s premier took a personal interest in the REM. The point is not that politicians stuck their noses in; it’s that everyone knew the pressure was on.
Both projects took advantage of smaller rolling stock. A shorter train can be served by a smaller and, because an enormous part of transit building cost is excavation, much cheaper station. Depending on demand, running smaller trains more often may provide service as effective as a longer, less frequent train.
The Canada Line and REM avoided tunnelling where possible. Raising the tracks above the ground is a vastly cheaper option. The REM also repurposed an old tunnel to save money and the Canada Line used cut-and-cover to build part of its tunnel. The latter option is a cheaper method though more disruptive. It does not suit all situations, but politicians need the backbone to insist on it when the savings are sufficient.
Good transit networks are the only thing that stop urban areas grinding to a complete halt. Expanding them will always be expensive and disruptive, but Canadian cities can minimize that pain by building on the examples of others.
Experts say toll system can reduce gridlock if city can offer viable transportation alternatives
This article was written by Estella Ren and was published in the Toronto Star on January 9, 2025.
Drivers cross the Brooklyn Bridge into Manhattan this week after New York became the first U.S. city to adopt a congestion pricing system.
A congestion charge, a longdebated idea in North America, has finally come into effect in New York City and is being praised by experts who say Toronto could benefit from a similar approach.
On Sunday, New York was the first U.S. city to adopt the system after years of studies and delays, joining the likes of London, Stockholm and Singapore which have seen lasting traffic reductions since implementing congestion charges.
The toll system, which is applied to the most congested parts of a city, is meant to reduce gridlock and pollution and raise revenue for public transit.
Toronto council once endorsed tolls on the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway in 2016 to help improve gridlock in a city that has some of the worst traffic in the world. But the plan was scuttled by the Liberal government at the time. In the past September, the city’s transportation department once again said a congestion charge on motorists is not an option on the table.
Despite the Ontario government’s efforts to double down on car mobility, Canadian transportation experts say a congestion charge in Toronto could be a more efficient way to alleviate traffic jams.
“I do think Toronto is at the point where the congestion is so bad. And, the drag on our economy and our quality of life is getting to the point where this does have to be on the table, and has to be studied very carefully,” said Matti Siemiatycki, a geography and planning professor at the University of Toronto.
During peak traffic hours — between 5 a.m. and 9 p.m. on weekdays and on weekends between 9 a.m. and 9 p.m. — drivers of cars, SUVs, small vans and pickup trucks with an EZPass need to pay $9 (U.S.) once per day to enter Manhattan south of Central Park. During off hours, the toll is $2.25 for most vehicles.
Drivers without an EZPass will receive bills by mail and pay more: $13.50 for peak hours and $3.30 overnight.
When charging a price on the road, based on the laws of supply and demand, people will drive less and opt for alternative ways to travel to the city, Siemiatycki said.
Congestion has a price tag too, even though it is often not thought of in this way: people either pay in money, or in time and lost in economic productivity, he added. The latter was estimated at $11 billion annually in the GTA by a study in 2013.
Siemiatycki pointed to Highway 407 as an example of how road tolls work in Toronto and said no matter how much people dislike the cost, it ensures people get across the city in “a reliable fashion.”
“This New York experiment, or an example, is so important because it has the potential to show what’s possible across North America,” he said.
While Jeff Casello applauded the congestion charge in New York as “a fantastic policy,” the urban planning professor at the University of Waterloo said he is concerned about implementing a similar charge in Toronto when there “isn’t any viable alternatives” for transportation.
“Imagine that there was a massive park and ride where you could park your car in a parkandride facility at Pearson Airport, for example, and then take the UP Express downtown. That’s what we ought to be encouraging,” he said.
Siemiatycki, who echoed the sentiment, said if the system is implemented, the city needs to have equity at its core and make sure the public transportation is in place.
“The other point that often doesn’t get talked about is, at the moment, it’s almost virtually impossible to run an effective public transit system on those highways because they’re so congested,” he said.
The key to the congestion pricing system in New York and London is their ability to collect the revenue to improve public transit, while the tolls of Highway 407 are not used for that benefit, said Bruce Hellinga, a transportation engineering professor at the University of Waterloo.
Toronto’s city council has considered the road levy as a potential revenue tool in to relieve the city’s financial pressures. However, the city determined that road pricing policy involves high costs as it will require the city to partner with a technology company to implement the licence plate capture system.
Dakota Brasier, a spokesperson from the Ministry of Transportation, said in a statement that they will remain focused on building the critical infrastructure including allocating nearly $100 billion toward new roads and transit.
“Unlike the Liberals, we will never add a tax or toll to any road in Ontario,” he said.
Siemiatycki also acknowledged that road pricing is an unpopular idea in suburban areas while taking off road tolls, expanding highway networks and cutting bike lanes have “an effective political wedge.”
“We do have to acknowledge that the approach that they’re following is popular. The problem is it hasn’t been effective. I mean congestion has gotten worse during their six years in office,” Siemiatycki said.
“It might be good policy, but it’s not good politics,” he said.
This opinion was written by Michael Learmonth and was published by the Globe & Mail on January 4, 2025.
Guess how much it costs today to drive a car, SUV or truck into Manhattan, centre of the Western world, and home to Times Square, Wall Street, the World Trade Center, Broadway, Chinatown and SoHo? That would be zero dollars. That’s right, completely free to drive a personal vehicle into one of the most congested and populated places in America.
As of Sunday, that could change. I say “could” because the city’s congestion pricing plan has been on the drawing board for decades, and despite passing various legal hurdles, could still run into problems. A myriad of lawsuits, most prominently from the State of New Jersey, the Staten Island borough president and the United Federation of Teachers, have sought to halt the plan. Then there’s president-elect Donald Trump, who has promised to end it as soon as he takes office later this month.
The fee, which was lowered to US$9 from US$15 at the 11th hour by New York Governor Kathy Hochul, is an incredible bargain. Consider that a subway ride for two in and out of the city costs US$11.60. Provided it survives, the congestion pricing plan would be the first in the United States, following the lead of London, Milan, Singapore and Stockholm. It’s also the opening salvo in a wider battle over city streets and the purpose of neighbourhoods that is playing out across the country, and will also be closely watched in cities such as Toronto, which are also being strangled by traffic problems.
The debate over this plan is most often framed in the potential harm it would cause to suburban commuters, to outer-borough neighbourhoods that may absorb more traffic and to essential workers like teachers, nurses, police and firefighters who live outside the city. Ms. Hochul even delayed it until after November’s election in hopes of not losing Democratic House seats in the suburbs. What’s never considered are the residents of Manhattan, and particularly of Lower Manhattan, where I’ve lived for nearly 25 years.
No one moves to Manhattan for a bucolic, honking-free environment, or at least no one should. That said, the traffic in Lower Manhattan has gotten exponentially worse since the pandemic. Intersections are routinely gridlocked. Drivers veer into oncoming traffic, bike lanes and crosswalks, endangering pedestrians. Once, my street was relatively little-travelled. Now it is the de facto entrance to the currently free Williamsburg Bridge, with near constant idling cars and smog. Recently the NYPD brought in a surge of traffic enforcement to my street, which now has a mid-block light and several cops on each corner just to keep a semblance of law and order. I know of two people who’ve been hit on one end of my street, and the other end is named for 12-year-old Dashane Santana, who was killed in a crosswalk several years ago.
One day, the idea that we prioritize car mobility in this way will be unthinkable in the same way today’s residents can hardly imagine a time when people smoked in bars and restaurants and streets had no bike lanes or bike share docks. Today, the only smoke anyone smells in New York City is weed and there’s more than 1,500 miles of bike lanes. (Mile 1,000 is commemorated with a little sign in front of my building.)
Keep in mind, the only reason this neighbourhood exists at all is because a group of iconoclasts and visionaries led by writer Jane Jacobs prevented then-unstoppable city planner Robert Moses from building the Cross Manhattan Expressway in 1959, which would have levelled the Lower East Side, Little Italy and SoHo, all to provide motorists a convenient through-way across the island. That may have seemed like a good idea at the time, but it’s unthinkable today. In a few years, the idea that people drove into Lower Manhattan will seem just as ridiculous.
It’s time to ask (and answer) a simple question: What are neighbourhoods for? Do they exist to enable the efficient passage of traffic, which is how NYC’s Department of Transportation treats them? And why should the passage of cars have priority over nearly every other use of our streets?
Ironically, the pandemic, which drove people away from mass transit and into their cars, also opened up the issue for debate. As we speak, the city is demolishing the pandemic-era dining sheds. Some had become decrepit, but others literally transformed streets by taking real estate away from cars and giving it to people and small businesses. Why shouldn’t the reconquest of streets, some widened in the 1940s and 1950s to accommodate cars at the expense of dining, pedestrians and literally anything else, continue?
The city is taking some steps to take space back from cars. Park Avenue, the Gilded Age boulevard that once actually had a park in the middle, is getting its park back at the expense of two car lanes, and the city has a similar proposal for the iconic Fifth Avenue. It should keep going. Does it make sense that shoppers on Spring Street in SoHo literally turn sideways to make it down sidewalks while a half dozen giant SUVs sit there, idling on its cobblestone streets? Or how about Mulberry Street in Little Italy? No, it doesn’t.
Change is hard, and I do sympathize with folks who will have to adjust as a result. That includes me, by the way. Even residents aren’t exempt from congestion pricing, so I’ll pay US$9 every time I re-enter the zone, which will definitely change the math when I decide whether to pick up someone at LaGuardia or go to Lowes in Brooklyn. But because the billions raised are earmarked for transit, ending the car subsidy will finally force drivers to contribute to a system that makes urban life possible, rather than tear it down because it’s cheaper or incrementally more convenient.
Soon, driving to Manhattan will be understood for what it is, a luxury product that has a cost that you should be paying for.